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NOTE XXXV. The Welfare Principle versus the Market Principle

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CHAPTER 35 THE WELFARE PRINCIPLE VERSUS THE MARKET PRINCIPLE

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1. THE CASE AGAINST THE MARKET ECONOMY

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The objections which the various schools of social politique raise against the market economy are based on very bad economics.

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They repeat again and again all the errors that the economists long ago exploded.

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They blame the market economy for the consequences of the very anti-capitalistic policies which they themselves advocate as necessary and beneficial reforms.

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They fix on the market economy the responsibility for the inevitable failure and frustration of interventionism.

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These propagandists must finally admit that the market economy is after all not so bad as their unorthodox doctrines paint it.

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It delivers the goods. From day to day it increases the quantity and improves the quality of products.

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It has brought about unprecedented wealth.

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Health.

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But, objects the champion of interventionism, it is deficient from what he calls the social

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point of view.

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It has not wiped out poverty and destitution.

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It is a system that grants privileges to a minority, an upper class of rich people, at

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the expense of the immense majority.

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It is an unfair system.

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The principle of welfare must be substituted for that of profits.

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We may try, for the sake of argument, to interpret the concept of welfare in such a way that

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its acceptance by the immense majority of non-ascetic people would be probable.

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The better we succeed in these endeavors, the more we deprive the idea of welfare of

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any concrete meaning and content.

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It turns into a colorless paraphrase of the fundamental category of human action, namely

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the urge to remove uneasiness as far as possible.

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As it is universally recognized that this goal can be more readily and even exclusively

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attained by social division of labor, men cooperate within the framework of societal

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bonds.

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Social man, as differentiated from autarkic man, must necessarily modify his original

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Social-biological indifference to the well-being of people beyond his own family.

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He must adjust his conduct to the requirements of social cooperation, and look upon his fellow

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men's success as an indispensable condition of his own.

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From this point of view, one may describe the objective of social cooperation as the

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realization of the greatest happiness of the greatest number.

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Hardly anybody would venture to object to this definition of the most desirable state

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of affairs and to contend that it is not a good thing to see as many people as possible

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as happy as possible.

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All the attacks directed against the Bentham formula have centered around ambiguities or

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misunderstandings concerning the notion of happiness.

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They have not affected the postulate that the good, whatever it may be, should be imparted

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to the greatest number.

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However, if we interpret welfare in this manner, the concept becomes meaningless.

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It can be invoked for the justification of every variety of social organization.

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It is a fact that some of the defenders of Negro slavery contended that slavery is the

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the best means of making the Negroes happy, and that today in the South, many whites sincerely

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believe that rigid segregation is beneficial no less to the colored men than it allegedly

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is to the white men.

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The main thesis of racism of the Gabinot and Nazi variety is that the hegemony of the superior

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races is salutary to the true interests even of the inferior races.

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A principle that is broad enough to cover all doctrines, however conflicting with one

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another, is of no use at all.

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But in the mouths of the welfare propagandists, the notion of welfare has a definite meaning.

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They intentionally employ a term, the generally accepted connotation of which, precludes any

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opposition.

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So decent man likes to be so rash as to raise objections against the realization of welfare.

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In arrogating to themselves the exclusive right to call their own program the program

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of welfare, the welfare propagandists want to triumph by means of a cheap logical trick.

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They want to render their ideas safe against criticism by attributing to them an appellation

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which is cherished by everybody.

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Their terminology already implies that all opponents are ill-intentioned scoundrels eager

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to foster their selfish interests to the prejudice of the majority of good people.

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The plight of Western civilization consists precisely in the fact that serious people

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can resort to such syllogistic artifices without encountering sharp rebuke.

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There are only two explanations open.

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Either these self-styled welfare economists are themselves not aware of the logical inadmissibility

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of their procedure, in which case they lack the indispensable power of reasoning, or they

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have chosen this mode of arguing purposely in order to find shelter for their fallacies

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behind a word which is intended beforehand to disarm all opponents.

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In each case, their own acts condemn them.

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There is no need to add anything to the disquisitions of the preceding chapters concerning the effects

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of all varieties of interventionism.

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The ponderous volumes of welfare economics have not brought forth any arguments that

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could invalidate our conclusions.

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The only task that remains is to examine the critical part of the welfare propagandists'

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Work, Their Indictment of the Market Economy.

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All this passionate talk of the welfare school ultimately boils down to three points.

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Capitalism is bad, they say, because there is poverty, inequality of incomes and wealth,

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and insecurity.

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2.

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Poverty.

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We may depict conditions of a society of agriculturists in which every member tills a piece of land

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large enough to provide himself and his family with the indispensable necessities of life.

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We may include in such a picture the existence of a few specialists, artisans like smiths

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and professional men like doctors.

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We may even go further and assume that some men do not own a farm, but work as laborers

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on other people's farms.

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The employer remunerates them for their help and takes care of them when sickness or old

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age disables them.

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This scheme of an ideal society was at the bottom of many utopian plans.

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It was, by and large, realized for some time in some communities.

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The nearest approach to its realization was probably the commonwealth which the Jesuit

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Padres established in the country which is today Paraguay.

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There

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Society is that the increase in population must result in progressive poverty.

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If the estate of a deceased farmer is divided among his children, the holdings finally become

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so small that they can no longer provide sufficient sustenance for a family.

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Everybody is a landowner, but everybody is extremely poor.

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Conditions as they prevail in large areas of China provide a sad illustration of the

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misery of the tillers of small parcels.

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The alternative to this outcome is the emergence of a huge mass of landless proletarians.

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Then a wide gap separates the disinherited paupers from the fortunate farmers.

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They are a class of pariahs whose very existence presents society with an insoluble problem.

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They search in vain for a livelihood.

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Society has no use for them.

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They are destitute.

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When in the ages preceding the rise of modern capitalism, the statesmen, philosophers and

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laws referred to the poor and to the problems of poverty, they meant these supernumerary

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Laissez-faire and its offshoot, industrialism, converted the employable poor into wage earners.

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In the unhampered market society, there are people with higher and people with lower incomes.

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There are no longer men who, although able and ready to work, cannot find regular jobs

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because there is no room left for them in the social system of production.

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But liberalism and capitalism were, even in their heyday, limited to comparatively small

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areas of Western and Central Europe, North America and Australia.

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In the rest of the world, hundreds of millions still vegetate on the verge of starvation.

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They are poor or paupers in the old sense of the term, supernumerary and superfluous,

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A Burden to Themselves and a Latent Threat to the Minority of Their More Lucky Fellow

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Citizens

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The penury of these miserable masses of, in the main, colored people, is not caused by

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capitalism, but by the absence of capitalism.

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But for the triumph of laissez-faire, the lot of the peoples of Western Europe would

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have been even worse than that of the Coolies.

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What is wrong with Asia is that the per capita quota of capital invested is extremely low

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when compared with the capital equipment of the West.

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The prevailing ideology and the social system, which is its offshoot, check the evolution

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of profit-seeking entrepreneurship.

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There is very little domestic capital accumulation and manifest hostility to foreign investors.

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In many of these countries, the increase in population figures even outruns the increase

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in capital available.

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It is false to blame the European powers for the poverty of the masses in their colonial

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empires.

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In investing capital, the foreign rulers did all they could do for an improvement in material

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well-being.

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It is not the fault of the whites that the Oriental peoples are reluctant to abandon

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and their traditional tenets and abhor capitalism as an alien ideology.

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They will very soon have succeeded in freeing themselves entirely from foreign domination.

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Then they will probably turn toward various brands of regimentation and totalitarianism.

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These will not solve their economic problems and will not make their masses more prosperous.

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As far as there is unhampered capitalism, there is no longer any question of poverty

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in the sense in which this term is applied to the conditions of a non-capitalist society.

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The increase in population figures does not create supernumerary mouths, but additional

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hands whose employment produces additional wealth.

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There are no able-bodied paupers.

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Even from the point of view of the economically backward nations, the conflicts between capital

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and labor in the capitalist countries appear as conflicts within a privileged upper class.

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In the eyes of an Indian or a Chinese coulee, the American automobile worker is an aristocrat.

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He is a man who belongs to the 2% of the earth's population whose income is highest.

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Not only the colored races, but also the Slavs, the Arabs, and some other peoples look upon

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the average income of the citizens of the capitalistic countries, about 12 or 15 percent

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of the total of mankind, as a curtailment of their own material well-being.

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They fail to realize that the prosperity of these allegedly privileged groups is, apart

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from the effects of migration barriers not paid for by their own poverty, and that the

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main obstacle to the improvement of their own conditions is their abhorrence of capitalism.

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Within the frame of capitalism, the notion of poverty refers only to those people who

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are unable to take care of themselves.

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Even if we disregard the case of children, we must realize that there will always be

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be such unemployables. Capitalism in improving the masses standard of living, hygienic conditions

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and methods of prophylactics and therapeutics does not remove bodily incapacity. It is true

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that today many people who in the past would have been doomed to lifelong disability are

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restored to full vigor. But on the other hand, many whom innate defects, sickness or accidents

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would have extinguished sooner in earlier days, survive, as permanently incapacitated

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people.

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Moreover, the prolongation of the average length of life tends toward an increase in

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the number of the aged who are no longer able to earn a living.

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The problem of the incapacitated is a specific problem of human civilization and of society.

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Disabled animals must perish quickly.

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They either die of starvation or fall prey to the foes of their species.

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Savage man had no pity on those who were substandard.

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With regard to them, many tribes practiced those barbaric methods of ruthless extirpation

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to which the Nazis resorted in our time.

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The very existence of a comparatively great number of invalids is, however paradoxical,

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A Characteristic Mark of Civilization and Material Well-Being.

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Provision for those invalids who lack means of sustenance and are not taken care of by

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their next of kin has long been considered a work of charity.

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The funds needed have sometimes been provided by governments, more often by voluntary contributions.

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The Catholic orders and congregations and some Protestant institutions have accomplished

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marvels in collecting such contributions and in using them properly.

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Today there are also many non-denominational establishments vying with them in noble rivalry.

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The charity system is criticized for two defects.

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One is the paucity of the means available.

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However, the more capitalism progresses and increases wealth, the more sufficient become

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the charity funds.

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On the one hand, people are more ready to donate in proportion to the improvement in

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their own well-being.

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On the other hand, the number of the needy drops concomitantly.

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Even for those with moderate incomes, the opportunity is offered by saving and insurance

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policies to provide for accidents, sickness, old age, the education of their children,

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and the support of widows and orphans.

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It is highly probable that the funds of the charitable institutions would be sufficient

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in the capitalist countries if interventionism were not to sabotage the essential institutions

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of the market economy.

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Credit expansion and inflationary increase of the quantity of money frustrate the common

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man's attempts to save and to accumulate reserves for less propitious days.

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But the other procedures of interventionism are hardly less injurious to the vital interests

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of the wage earners and salaried employees, the professions and the owners of small-sized

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business.

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The greater part of those assisted by charitable institutions are needy only because interventionism

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has made them so.

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On the other hand, inflation and the endeavors to lower the rate of interest below the potential

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The second defect charged to the charity system is that it is charity and compassion only.

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The indigent has no claim to the kindness shown to him.

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He depends on the mercy of benevolent people, on the feelings of tenderness which his distress

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arouses.

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What he receives is a voluntary gift for which he must be grateful.

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To be an almsman is shameful and humiliating.

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It is an unbearable condition for a self-respecting man.

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These complaints are justified.

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Such shortcomings do indeed inhere in all kinds of charity.

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It is a system that corrupts both givers and receivers.

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It makes the former self-righteous and the latter submissive and cringing.

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However, it is only the mentality of a capitalistic environment that makes people feel the indignity

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of giving and receiving alms.

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of the field of the cash nexus and of deals transacted between buyers and sellers in a

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purely businesslike manner, all inter-human relations are tainted by the same failing.

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It is precisely the absence of this personal element in market transactions that all those

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deplore who blame capitalism for hard-heartedness and callousness.

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In the eyes of such critics, cooperation under the do-ut-des principle dehumanizes all societal

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bonds.

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It substitutes contracts for brotherly love and readiness to help one another.

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These critics indict the legal order of capitalism for its neglect of the human side.

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They are inconsistent when they blame the charity system for its reliance upon feelings

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of Mercy.

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Feudal society was founded on acts of grace and on the gratitude of those favored.

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The mighty overlord bestowed a benefit upon the vassal, and the latter owed him personal

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fidelity.

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Conditions were human insofar as the subordinates had to kiss their superiors' hands and to

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show allegiance to them.

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In a feudal environment, the element of grace inherent in charitable acts did not give offense.

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It agreed with the generally accepted ideology and practice.

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It is only in the setting of a society based entirely upon contractual bonds that the idea

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emerged of giving to the indigent a legal claim, an actionable title, to sustenance

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against society.

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The metaphysical arguments advanced in favor of such a right to sustenance are based on

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the doctrine of natural right.

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Before God or nature, all men are equal and endowed with an inalienable right to live.

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However, the reference to inborn equality is certainly out of place in dealing with

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the effects of inborn inequality.

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It is a sad fact that physical disability prevents many people from playing an active role in

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social cooperation.

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It is the operation of the laws of nature that makes these people outcasts.

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They are stepchildren of God or nature.

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We may fully endorse the religious and ethical precepts that declare it to be man's duty

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to assist his unlucky brethren whom nature has doomed.

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But the recognition of this duty does not answer the question concerning what methods

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should be resorted to for its performance.

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It does not enjoin the choice of methods which would endanger society and curtail the productivity

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of the human effort.

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Neither the able-bodied nor the incapacitated would derive any benefit from a drop in the

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quantity of goods available.

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The problems involved are not of a praxeological character, and economics is not called upon

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to provide the best possible solution for them.

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They concern pathology and psychology.

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They refer to the biological fact that the fear of penury and of the degrading consequences

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of being supported by charity are important factors in the preservation of man's physiological

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equilibrium.

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They impel a man to keep fit, to avoid sickness and accidents, and to recover as soon as possible

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from injuries suffered.

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The experience of the social security system, especially that of the oldest scheme, the

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German, has clearly shown the undesirable effects resulting from the elimination of

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these incentives.

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No civilized community has callously allowed the incapacitated to perish.

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But the substitution of a legally enforceable claim to support or sustenance for charitable

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relief does not seem to agree with human nature as it is.

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Not metaphysical prepossessions, but considerations of practical expediency make it inadvisable

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to promulgate an actionable right to sustenance.

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It is, moreover, an illusion to believe that the enactment of such laws can free the indigent

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from the degrading features inherent in receiving alms.

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The more open-handed these laws are, the more punctilious must their application become.

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The discretion of bureaucrats is substituted for the discretion of people whom an inner

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voice drives to acts of charity.

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Whether this change renders the lot of those incapacitated any easier is hard to say.
