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NOTE XXXVI. The Crisis of Interventionism

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Chapter 36. The Crisis of Interventionism

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1. The Harvest of Interventionism

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The interventionist policies, as practiced for many decades by all governments of the capitalistic West,

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have brought about all those effects which the economists predicted.

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There are wars and civil wars, ruthless oppression of the masses by clusters of self-appointed dictators, economic depressions, mass unemployment, capital consumption, famines.

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However, it is not these catastrophic events which have led to the crisis of interventionism.

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The interventionist doctrinaires and their followers explain all these undesired consequences

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as the unavoidable features of capitalism.

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As they see it, it is precisely these disasters that clearly demonstrate the necessity of

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intensifying interventionism.

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The failures of the interventionist policies do not in the least impair the popularity

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of the implied doctrine.

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They are so interpreted as to strengthen, not to lessen, the prestige of these teachings.

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As a vicious economic theory cannot be simply refuted by historical experience, the interventionist

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propagandists have been able to go on in spite of all the havoc they have spread.

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Yet the age of interventionism is reaching its end.

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The system has exhausted all its potentialities, and must disappear.

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2. The Exhaustion of the Reserve Fund

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The idea underlying all interventionist policies is that the higher income and wealth of the more affluent part of the population is a fund which can be freely used for the improvement of the conditions of the less prosperous.

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The essence of the interventionist policy is to take from one group to give to another.

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It is confiscation and distribution.

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Every measure is ultimately justified by declaring that it is fair to curb the rich for the benefit

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of the poor.

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In the field of public finance, progressive taxation of incomes and estates is the most

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characteristic manifestation of this doctrine.

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Purchase the rich and spend the revenue for the improvement of the condition of the poor,

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is the principle of contemporary budgets.

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In the field of industrial relations, shortening the hours of work, raising wages and a thousand

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other measures are recommended under the assumption that they favor the employee and burden the

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employer.

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Every issue of government and community affairs is dealt with exclusively from the point of

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An illustrative example is provided by the methods applied in the operation of nationalized

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and municipalized enterprises.

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These enterprises very often result in financial failure.

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Their accounts regularly show losses burdening the state or the city treasury.

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It is of no use to investigate whether the deficits are due to the notorious inefficiency

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of the Public Conduct of Business Enterprises, or at least partly to the inadequacy of the

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prices at which the commodities or services are sold to the customers.

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What matters more is the fact that the taxpayers must cover these deficits.

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The interventionists fully approve of this arrangement.

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They passionately reject the two other possible solutions.

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Raising the enterprises to private entrepreneurs, or raising the prices charged to the customers

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to such a height that no further deficit remains.

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The first of these proposals is, in their eyes, manifestly reactionary, because the

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inevitable trend of history is toward more and more socialization.

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The second is deemed anti-social, because it places a heavier load upon the consuming

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masses.

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It is fairer to make the taxpayers, that is, the wealthy citizens, bear the burden.

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Their ability to pay is greater than that of the average people riding the nationalized

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railroads and the municipalized subways, trolleys and buses.

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To ask that such public utilities should be self-supporting is, say the interventionists,

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a relic of the old-fashioned ideas of orthodox finance.

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One might as well aim at making the roads and the public schools self-supporting.

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It is not necessary to argue with the advocates of this deficit policy.

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It is obvious that the recourse to this ability to pay principle depends on the existence

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of such incomes and fortunes as can still be taxed away.

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It can no longer be resorted to once these extra funds have been exhausted by taxes and

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and other interventionist measures.

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This is precisely the present state of affairs in most of the European countries.

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The United States has not yet gone so far, but if the actual trend of its economic policies

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is not radically altered very soon, it will be in the same condition in a few years.

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For the sake of argument, we may disregard all the other consequences which the full

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The triumph of the ability-to-pay principle must bring about, and concentrate upon its

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financial aspects.

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The interventionist in advocating additional public expenditure is not aware of the fact

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that the funds available are limited.

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He does not realize that increasing expenditure in one department enjoins restricting it in

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other departments.

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In his opinion, there is plenty of money available.

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The income and wealth of the rich can be freely tapped.

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In recommending a greater allowance for the schools, he simply stresses the point that

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it would be a good thing to spend more for education.

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He does not venture to prove that to raise the budgetary allowance for schools is more

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expedient than to raise that of another department, for example, that of health.

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It never occurs to him that grave arguments could be advanced in favor of restricting public

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spending and lowering the burden of taxation.

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The champions of cuts in the budget are, in his eyes, merely the defenders of the manifestly

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unfair class interests of the rich.

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With the present height of income and inheritance tax rates, this reserve fund out of which

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which the interventionists seek to cover all public expenditure is rapidly shrinking.

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It has practically disappeared altogether in most European countries.

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In the United States, the recent advances in tax rates produced only negligible revenue

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results beyond what would be produced by a progression which stopped at much lower rates.

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High surtax rates for the rich are very popular with interventionist dilettantes and demagogues,

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but they secure only modest additions to the revenue.

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From day to day it becomes more obvious that large-scale additions to the amount of public

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expenditure cannot be financed by soaking the rich, but that the burden must be carried

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by the masses.

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The traditional tax policy of the age of interventionism, its glorified devices of progressive taxation

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and lavish spending, have been carried to a point at which their absurdity can no longer

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be concealed.

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The notorious principle that whereas private expenditures depend on the size of income

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available, public revenues must be regulated according to expenditures, refutes itself.

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Henceforth, governments will have to realize that one dollar cannot be spent twice, and

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that the various items of government expenditure are in conflict with one another.

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Every penny of additional government spending will have to be collected from precisely those

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people who hitherto have been intent upon shifting the main burden to other groups.

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Those anxious to get subsidies will have to foot the bill themselves for the subsidies.

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The deficits of publicly owned and operated enterprises will be charged to the bulk of

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the population.

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The situation in the employer-employee nexus will be analogous.

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The popular doctrine contends that wage earners are reaping social gains at the expense of

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the unearned income of the exploiting classes.

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The strikers, it is said, do not strike against the consumers, but against management.

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There is no reason to raise the prices of products when labor costs are increased.

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The difference must be borne by employers.

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But when more and more of the share of the entrepreneurs and capitalists is absorbed

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by taxes, higher wage rates and other social gains of employees, and by price ceilings,

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Nothing remains for such a buffer function.

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Then it becomes evident that every wage raise, with its whole momentum, must affect the prices

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of the products, and that the social gains of each group fully correspond to the social

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losses of the other groups.

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Every strike becomes, even in the short run, and not only in the long run, a strike against

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the rest of the people.

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An essential point in the social philosophy of interventionism is the existence of an

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inexhaustible fund which can be squeezed forever.

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The whole doctrine of interventionism collapses when this fountain is drained off.

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The Santa Claus principle liquidates itself.

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3.

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The End of Interventionism

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The interventionist interlude must come to an end because interventionism cannot lead

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to a permanent system of social organization.

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The reasons are threefold.

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First, restrictive measures always restrict output and the amount of goods available for

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consumption.

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Whatever arguments may be advanced in favor of definite restrictions and prohibitions,

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Such measures in themselves can never constitute a system of social production.

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Second, all varieties of interference with the market phenomena not only fail to achieve

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the ends aimed at by their authors and supporters, but bring about a state of affairs which,

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from the point of view of their authors and advocates' valuations, is less desirable

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are more valuable than the previous state of affairs which they were designed to alter.

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If one wants to correct their manifest unsuitableness and preposterousness by supplementing the

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first acts of intervention with more and more of such acts, one must go farther and farther

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until the market economy has been entirely destroyed and socialism has been substituted

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for it.

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Third, interventionism aims at confiscating the surplus of one part of the population and at giving it to the other part.

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Once this surplus is exhausted by total confiscation, a further continuation of this policy is impossible.

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Marching ever further on the way of interventionism,

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First Germany, then Great Britain and many other European countries have adopted Central Planning, the Hindenburg pattern of socialism.

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It is noteworthy that in Germany the deciding measures were not resorted to by the Nazis, but some time before Hitler seized power by Brüning, the Catholic Chancellor of the Weimar Republic,

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and, in Great Britain, not by the Labour Party, but by the Tory Prime Minister, Mr Churchill.

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The fact has been purposely obscured by the great sensation made in Great Britain about

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the nationalization of the Bank of England, the coal mines and other enterprises.

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However, these seizures were of subordinate importance only.

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Great Britain is to be called a socialist country, not because certain enterprises have

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have been formally expropriated and nationalized, but because all the economic activities of

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all citizens are subject to full control by the government and its agencies.

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The authorities direct the allocation of capital and of manpower to the various branches of

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business.

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They determine what should be produced and in what quality and quantity, and they assign

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and to each consumer a definite ration.

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Supremacy in all economic matters is exclusively vested in the government.

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The people are reduced to the status of wards.

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To the businessmen, the former entrepreneurs, merely quasi-managerial functions are left.

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All that they are free to do is to carry into effect the entrepreneurial decisions of the

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It has been shown that the managerial system, that is, the assignment of ancillary tasks

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in the conduct of business to responsible helpers to whom a certain amount of discretion

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can be granted, is possible only within the frame of the profit system.

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What characterizes the manager as such, and imparts to him a condition different from

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from that of the mere technician is that within the sphere of his assignment he himself determines

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the methods by which his actions should conform to the profit principle.

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In a socialist system in which there is neither economic calculation nor capital accounting

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nor profit computation, there is no room left for managerial activities either.

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But as long as a socialist commonwealth is still in a position to calculate on the ground

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of prices determined on foreign markets, it can also utilize a quasi-managerial hierarchy

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to some extent.

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It is a poor makeshift to call any age an age of transition.

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In the living world, there is always change.

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Every age is an age of transition.

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We may distinguish between social systems that can last and such as are inevitably transitory

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because they are self-destructive.

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It has already been pointed out in what sense interventionism liquidates itself and must

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lead to socialism of the German pattern.

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Most of the European countries have already reached this phase and nobody knows whether

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or not the United States will follow suit.

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But as long as the United States clings to the market economy and does not adopt the

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system of full government control of business, the socialist economies of Western Europe

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will still be in a position to calculate.

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Their conduct of business still lacks the characteristic feature of socialist conduct.

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It is still based on economic calculation.

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It is, therefore, in every respect, very different from what it would become if all the world

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were to turn toward socialism.

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It is often said that one half of the world cannot remain committed to the market economy

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when the other half is socialist, and vice versa.

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However, there is no reason to assume that such a partition of the earth and the coexistence

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of the two systems is impossible.

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If this is really the case, then the present economic system of the countries that have

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discarded capitalism may go on for an indefinite period of time.

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Its operation may result in social disintegration, chaos and misery for the peoples.

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But neither a low standard of living nor progressive impoverishment automatically liquidates an

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economic system.

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It gives way to a more efficient system only if people themselves are intelligent enough

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to comprehend the advantages such a change might bring them.

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Or it may be destroyed by foreign invaders provided with better military equipment by

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the greater efficiency of their own economic system.

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Optimists hope that at least those nations which have in the past developed the capitalist

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Market Economy and its Civilization will cling to this system in the future too.

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There are certainly as many signs to confirm as to disprove such an expectation.

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It is vain to speculate about the outcome of the great ideological conflict between

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the principles of private ownership and public ownership, of individualism and totalitarianism,

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of Freedom and Authoritarian Regimentation. All that we can know beforehand about the

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results of this struggle can be condensed in the following three statements.

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1. We have no knowledge whatever about the existence and operation of agencies which

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would bestow final victory in this clash on those ideologies whose application will secure

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for the Preservation and Further Intensification of Societal Bonds and the Improvement of Mankind's

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Material Well-Being.

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Nothing suggests the belief that progress toward more satisfactory conditions is inevitable

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or a relapse into very unsatisfactory conditions impossible.

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2.

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Men must choose between the market economy and socialism.

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They cannot evade deciding between these alternatives by adopting a middle-of-the-road position,

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whatever name they may give to it.

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3.

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In abolishing economic calculation, the general adoption of socialism would result in complete

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Chaos and the Disintegration of Social Cooperation under the Division of Labor.
