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NOTE XXXVII. The Nondescript Character of Economics

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PART VII. THE PLACE OF ECONOMICS IN SOCIETY

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Chapter 37. THE NON-DESCRIPT CHARACTER OF ECONOMICS

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1. THE SINGULARITY OF ECONOMICS

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What assigns economics its peculiar and unique position in the orbit both of pure knowledge and of the practical utilization of knowledge

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of Knowledge is the fact that its particular theorems are not open to any verification

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or falsification on the ground of experience.

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Of course, a measure suggested by sound economic reasoning results in producing the effects

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aimed at, and a measure suggested by faulty economic reasoning fails to produce the end

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sought.

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But such experience is always still historical experience, that is, the experience of complex

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phenomena.

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It can never, as has been pointed out, prove or disprove any particular theorem.

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The application of spurious economic theorems results in undesired consequences.

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But these effects never have that undisputable power of conviction which the experimental

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facts in the field of the natural sciences provide.

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The ultimate yardstick of an economic theorem's correctness or incorrectness is solely reason,

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unaided by experience.

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The ominous import of this state of affairs is that it prevents the naive mind from recognizing

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the reality of the things economics deals with.

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All is, in the eyes of man, all that he cannot alter, and to whose existence he must adjust

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his actions, if he wants to attain his ends.

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The cognizance of reality is a sad experience.

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It teaches the limits on the satisfaction of one's wishes.

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Only reluctantly does man resign himself to the insight that there are things, namely

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are only the whole complex of all causal relations between events which wishful thinking cannot alter.

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Yet sense experience speaks an easily perceptible language.

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There is no use arguing about experiments.

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The reality of experimentally established facts cannot be contested.

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But in the field of praxeological knowledge neither success nor failure

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speaks a distinct language audible to everybody. The experience derived exclusively from complex

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phenomena does not bar escape into interpretations based on wishful thinking. The naive man's

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propensity to ascribe omnipotence to his thoughts, however confused and contradictory, is never

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manifestly and unambiguously falsified by experience. The economist can never refute

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The economic cranks and quacks in the way in which the doctor refutes the medicine man

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and the charlatan.

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History speaks only to those people who know how to interpret it on the ground of correct

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theories.

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2.

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Economics and Public Opinion

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The significance of this fundamental epistemological difference becomes clear if we realize that

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The practical utilization of the teachings of economics presupposes their endorsement

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by public opinion.

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In the market economy, the realization of technological innovations does not require

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anything more than the cognizance of their reasonableness by one or a few enlightened

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spirits.

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No dullness and clumsiness on the part of the masses can stop the pioneers of improvement.

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There is no need for them to win the approval of inert people beforehand.

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They are free to embark upon their projects, even if everyone else laughs at them.

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Later, when the new, better and cheaper products appear on the market, these scoffers will

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scramble for them.

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However dull a man may be, he knows how to tell the difference between a cheaper shoe

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to and a more expensive one, and to appreciate the usefulness of new products.

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But it is different in the field of social organization and economic policies.

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Here the best theories are useless if not supported by public opinion.

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They cannot work if not accepted by a majority of the people.

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Whatever the system of government may be, there cannot be any question of ruling a nation

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Unlastingly on the ground of doctrines at variance with public opinion.

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In the end, the philosophy of the majority prevails.

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In the long run, there cannot be any such thing as an unpopular system of government.

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The difference between democracy and despotism does not affect the final outcome.

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It refers only to the method by which the adjustment of the system of government to

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to the ideology held by public opinion is brought about.

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Unpopular autocrats can only be dethroned by revolutionary upheavals, while unpopular

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democratic rulers are peacefully ousted in the next election.

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The supremacy of public opinion determines not only the singular role that economics

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occupies in the complex of thought and knowledge, it determines the whole process of human history.

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The customary discussions concerning the role the individual plays in history miss the point.

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Everything that is thought, done and accomplished is a performance of individuals.

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New ideas and innovations are always an achievement of uncommon men.

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But these great men cannot succeed in adjusting social conditions to their plans if they do

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not convince public opinion.

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The flowering of human society depends on two factors, the intellectual power of outstanding

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men to conceive sound social and economic theories, and the ability of these or other

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3. The Illusion of the Old Liberals

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The masses, the hosts of common men, do not conceive any ideas, sound or unsound. They

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only choose between the ideologies developed by the intellectual leaders of mankind. But

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But their choice is final and determines the course of events.

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If they prefer bad doctrines, nothing can prevent disaster.

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The social philosophy of the Enlightenment failed to see the dangers that the prevalence

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of unsound ideas could engender.

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The objections customarily raised against the rationalism of the classical economists

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and the utilitarian thinkers are vain.

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But there was one deficiency in their doctrines.

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They blithely assumed that what is reasonable will carry on merely on account of its reasonableness.

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They never gave a thought to the possibility that public opinion could favor spurious ideologies,

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whose realization would harm welfare and well-being and disintegrate social cooperation.

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It is fashionable today to disparage those thinkers who criticize the liberal philosopher's

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faith in the common man.

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Yet Burke and Haller, Bonald and Dimestra, paid attention to an essential problem which

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the liberals had neglected.

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They were more realistic in the appraisal of the masses than their adversaries.

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Of course, the conservative thinkers labored under the illusion that the traditional system

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system of paternal government and the rigidity of economic institutions could be preserved.

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They were full of praise for the Ancien Régime, which had made people prosperous and had even

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humanized war.

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But they did not see that it was precisely these achievements that had increased population

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figures and thus created an excess population for which there was no room left in the old

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System of Economic Restrictionism.

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They shut their eyes to the growth of a class of people which stood outside the pale of

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the social order they wanted to perpetuate.

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They failed to suggest any solution to the most burning problem with which mankind had

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to cope on the eve of the Industrial Revolution.

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Capitalism gave the world what it needed, a higher standard of living for a steadily

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increasing number of people.

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But the liberals, the pioneers and supporters of capitalism, overlooked one essential point.

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A social system, however beneficial, cannot work if it is not supported by public opinion.

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They did not anticipate the success of the anti-capitalistic propaganda.

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After having nullified the fable of the divine mission of anointed kings, the liberals fell

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prey to no less illusory doctrines, to the irresistible power of reason, to the infallibility

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of the volonté générale, and to the divine inspiration of majorities.

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In the long run they thought nothing can stop the progressive improvement of social conditions.

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In unmasking age-old superstitions, the philosophy of the Enlightenment has once and for all

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established the supremacy of reason.

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The accomplishments of the policies of freedom will provide such an overwhelming demonstration

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of the blessings of the new ideology that no intelligent man will venture to question

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it.

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And, implied the philosophers, the immense majority of people are intelligent and able

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People to Think Correctly

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It never occurred to the old liberals that the majority could interpret historical experience

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on the ground of other philosophies.

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They did not anticipate the popularity which ideas that they would have called reactionary,

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superstitious and unreasonable acquired in the 19th and 20th centuries.

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They were so fully imbued with the assumption that all men are endowed with the faculty

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and the Theory of Correct Reasoning that they entirely misconstrued the meaning of the portents.

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As they saw it, all these unpleasant events were temporary relapses, accidental episodes

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to which no importance could be attached by the philosopher looking upon mankind's history

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subspecie eternitatis.

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Whatever the reactionaries might say, there was one fact which they would not be able

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People to deny, namely that capitalism provided for a rapidly increasing population a steadily

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improving standard of living.

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It is precisely this fact that the immense majority did contest.

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The essential point in the teachings of all socialist authors, and especially in the teachings

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of Marx, is the doctrine that capitalism results in a progressive pauperization of the working

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with regard to the capitalistic countries the fallacy of this theorem can

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hardly be ignored with regard to the backward countries which were only

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superficially affected by capitalism the unprecedented increase in population

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figures does not suggest the interpretation that the masses sink

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deeper and deeper these countries are poor when compared with the more

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for advanced countries.

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Their poverty is the outcome of the rapid growth of population.

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These peoples have preferred to rear more progeny instead of raising the standard of

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living to a higher level.

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That is their own affair.

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But the fact remains that they had the wealth to prolong the average length of life.

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It would have been impossible for them to bring up more children if the means of sustenance

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had not been increased.

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Nonetheless, not only the Marxians but many allegedly bourgeois authors assert that Marx's

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anticipation of capitalist evolution has been, by and large, verified by the history of the

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last 80 years.
