WEBVTT

NOTE Senior Economics Seminar

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It's a pleasure to be here and thank you for the invitation. It's always good to

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get out and meet a new group of students and faculty and one of my favorite

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topics is to talk about the Austrian School of Economics and as I was driving

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up here I realized that it's kind of a funny school in economics in that it's

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the oldest continuously existing school of economics. It's the smallest school

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The Austrian School of Economics in terms of the number of professional economists who claim to work out of the Austrian tradition, and it's also the fastest growing.

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And so that's a very unusual combination to be the oldest, the smallest, and yet the fastest growing School of Economics.

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And I'm going to try to explain a little bit of that, give you a little history of the school, and show how Austrians approach problems different from the mainstream of economic thought.

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I'm going to have plenty of time, I hope, for questions and answers, well, at least some questions.

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Hopefully, I'll be able to come up with some answers as well.

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Now, the school starts out in 1870, and do you offer a history of economics course here?

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No.

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No? Okay.

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No.

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Well, this is a long time ago.

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And the school starts out with a guy named Carl Menger, who was a journalist who covered

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the stock and bond market in Vienna, Austria. And in looking at markets, he devised a theoretical

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approach to how to understand why stocks and bonds go up and down. And he did so by going

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back to the very fundamentals of economic action. And in doing so, he brought into economics

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marginal analysis, price theory, and the idea of opportunity costs, things which are now

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in the first couple of chapters of any economics text.

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And so the school starts with him, Menger goes on to become the tutor of the crown prince

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of Austria and gets the main professorship at the University of Vienna.

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So the school is an early success. Two of his students went on to become famous economists

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of the time, Friedrich von Wieser, don't try to spell these on your own, and Eugen von

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Boehm-Bawerk, who went on to become the finance minister of Austria, and Wieser replaced Menger

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as the lead professor in Austria. So the school had a lot of initial success in terms of making

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break through contributions in economics, making economics what it in part is today.

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Then the school went into decline. Basically, with the advent of World War I and World War

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II, it basically destroyed the Austrian school as it had flourished for about 45 years. World

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War I, a lot of the Austrian economists were drafted into the military. Ludwig von Mises

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Von Mises himself was drafted into the military as an artillery officer, was wounded in action,

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but several of them were killed, and of course whole classes at the university were cancelled.

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So that sort of snuffed out the Austrian school.

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And then later, even though von Mises himself was becoming prominent, was the lead economist

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for the Chamber of Commerce in Vienna, in Austria, a very important position, it would

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World War II was on the horizon, the rise of Nazi Germany, and that also broke up the Austrian School.

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The Austrian economists were very prominent in Austria at that time, but in the 1930s they started leaving because of the threat of Nazism.

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And sure enough, the Nazis invaded Austria, they invaded Vienna, and of course they snuffed

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out a lot of opposition to fascism.

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And interestingly enough, Mises had made it out of the country, and one of the first things

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the Nazis did when they came into Vienna was go to Mises' apartment, and they confiscated

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all his papers, all his books, all his furniture even.

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And we in the Austrian School thought that all that had been destroyed actually until

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a few years ago when they found his furniture and papers in Moscow.

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Now how does that work?

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Well, the Nazis came in, Mises was the big opponent of socialism and fascism, so they

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gathered all his papers and all his belongings to look for some clue as to Mises' theories

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of Why Socialism was Impossible and Why it was Chaotic Economically and so forth.

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And then, when the Russians took Berlin, they confiscated those papers and brought them back

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to Moscow, thinking the same thing, that they could figure out some way of improving the

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economic performance of socialism if they only had von Mises' papers.

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And so when the Soviet Union broke down, we found the papers.

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Basically, the Austrian School had been decimated at these time periods.

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The remaining Austrians had been spread around the country, around Europe, around mostly

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to the United States actually, but very few were at degree-granting institutions in terms

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of PhDs, and there were no, there were very few people working in terms of directing PhDs,

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And so there were no new Austrian PhDs in the United States and when I went to graduate

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school hoping to study Austrian economics, I was told that Austrian economics was being

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phased out.

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There was only a few Austrians still alive and still teaching and none of those were

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at PhD-granting universities.

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So that's one of the reasons why your professors and most professors in economics are not exposed

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to Austrian Economics because it had been essentially phased out.

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And so that's sort of the origins and the fall of Austrian Economics.

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And I'm going to talk about the resurgence of Austrian Economics a little bit later.

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But I wanted to get into some of the basic differences of Austrians versus mainstream

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economics, sort of lumping together most other schools of economics.

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And I don't want this to, it's going to sound confrontational, you know, this is what we

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do and we're better and this is what they do and it's not so good.

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But Austrian economics can work together with mainstream methodologies as well.

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I myself have published articles with econometrics in it, with mathematical economics in it,

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with experimental economics, with survey data and all the rest.

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and I work at the home of Austrian Economics at Auburn University, and I haven't been

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thrown out, so it's an open-ended approach in that you can be an Austrian or you can

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be a mainstream economist and understand Austrian Economics and use that as a way of helping

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your own research and your own understanding.

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Okay, well, in terms of the differences between the two schools, on the concept of rationality,

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are people economically rational?

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Everybody knows that they themselves are economically rational, but there are other people who are

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not quite so rational.

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And so the Austrians have a more reasonable view of rationality and that it's based on

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what you would normally see out there in the real world.

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The mainstream uses a concept of rationality where humans are rational calculators, where

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They work at this margin and they rationally calculate things.

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And even if they're not quite rational, there's enough of us in markets in general so that

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markets turn out to be rational.

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So we have a more weaker view of rationality, where everything turns out to be rational

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even if it doesn't look so good on the surface, like getting addicted to drugs.

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That doesn't sound rational, but you can rationalize why people do it or how it occurs.

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In the mainstream, people have stable preferences.

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That's a requirement for a lot of mainstream methodology.

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And one thing you're going to find in mainstream economics is a lot of mathematics, statistics,

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econometrics, those sorts of things.

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Whereas the Austrians view all of that with a lot of skepticism.

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Because we view people as not having stable preferences, that people can change their

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minds and do so often, that people can be fooled and are on a regular basis.

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The goal of mainstream economics is, I see it, and has been sort of handed down from

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from the grandfathers of mainstream economics is prediction.

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The mainstream wants to be able to predict.

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The famous saying of the econometric society, for example, is science is prediction, and

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that everything else can take a back seat to that.

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We can use unrealistic assumptions in our models as long as it helps us make better

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Predictions.

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Austrians are, per se, not interested in prediction.

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We're interested in understanding.

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So those are some basic differences.

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In other words, Austrians sit down with paper and pencil and logic and deductions and try

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Try to generate economic analysis, try to generate understanding of economic phenomenon

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and economic policy.

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The mainstream brings a lot more powerful tools to bear in terms of large data sets,

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computers, programming software, and so forth, in order to try to use some theory in order

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to create empirical models which will generate predictions.

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So those are some of the basic differences, and I'm going to give you a microapplication

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and a macroapplication of some of those differences as I see them, and the microapplication is

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going to be to the concept of prohibition, things like alcohol and drug prohibition,

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And this is what I did my PhD dissertation on.

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Now the basic mainstream price theory approach to prohibition is fairly straightforward.

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I know you're all familiar with that.

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Where you have a particular product which is deemed to have socially negative consequences.

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So how do you address that?

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You create a prohibition which drives up the price.

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Prohibition with law enforcement and penalties, prison sentences, confiscation of assets,

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that all creates risk for the entrepreneur or the drug dealer or the moonshiner or whatever.

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So that price in the market becomes considerably higher with the prohibition.

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In the price theory of prohibition, you introduce a penalty, you decrease the supply, you increase

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the price, you decrease the quantity consumed, so therefore you reduce those social problems.

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So you achieve your goal in that manner.

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And that's essentially how alcohol prohibition was introduced, at least at the academic level.

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And we're going to be talking about one of the most important American economists of

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all time, Irving Fisher.

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He's basically the architect of modern mainstream economics.

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And he's the only American economist from the first half of the 20th century who's

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still discussed in the mainstream, the top level mainstream journals.

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And Irving Fisher was a promoter of alcohol prohibition.

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He held a symposium at the American Economic Association where he brought out several prominent

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economists to speak in favor of prohibition.

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And at the end he said that he had invited any member of the American Economic Association

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to come forward and oppose alcohol prohibition.

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He said he got no responses.

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So in contrast today, back then economists were proponents of alcohol prohibition with

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The idea being that if we can stop people from drinking, they'll show up for work more

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often.

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And they'll have more money in their paycheck to give to their family.

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And so we'll solve a lot of social problems simply by limiting the intake of alcohol on

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the part of basically male laborers who did drink a lot back then.

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So with Irving Fisher, the idea of prohibition is productivity, along with other things like

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enhancing health, reducing crime, those things, health, crime, violence, guys go out to bars,

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Drink, Fight. And you also, he attributed the booming economy of the 1920s to two things.

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One was alcohol prohibition and the other was how the Federal Reserve was managing the

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and Money Supply.

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That's also going to be important later on.

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Austrians see this a little differently.

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This is all true to a certain extent, but when Austrians look at going from an open

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and Marketplace to a prohibition, the thing that goes from being the most important aspect

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of economic analysis goes to becoming the least important item of economic analysis,

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and that is the price of the product.

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And I know that you've had many classes where the price of something is sort of, we're zeroing

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in on that all the time because we're usually talking about markets of various kinds all

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the time.

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But prohibition takes us from one world of the marketplace to another world which is

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completely different.

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And so price becomes the least important component of economic analysis of prohibition.

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All institutions in the marketplace are radically altered.

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They're basically completely changed as a result of prohibition.

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So it really doesn't matter what happens to price and quantity.

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That's still debated today.

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The modern version of Irving Fisher is actually another very famous economist, Gary Becker,

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who realizes that Fisher's prohibition was wrong-headed, and he instead proposes that

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We place a very large excise tax on alcohol.

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Now note that the, in this blackboard view of the world, if we were to scrap the prohibition

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and go back to the marketplace, the price then falls, the quantity increases, the quantity

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Consumed increases in all of those social problems involved with alcohol and drugs would

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essentially double here, going from this quantity to this quantity.

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If there was a relationship between the quantity consumed and the amount of social problems

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that existed, then all of those social problems, in terms of health, crime, violence, disease,

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would also double.

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The Austrians don't see it this way.

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We see the institutional changes, those radically changed institutions of prohibition as being

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the major culprit of a lot of those social problems.

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What does prohibition do?

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Well, it takes away the legal structure from the marketplace.

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It takes away the property rights structure of the marketplace, two very important components

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of well-functioning markets.

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So drug dealers are not held responsible for their products in the same way that Wal-Mart

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is or that Winn-Dixie is.

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If a drug dealer sells a product that has been contaminated with dangerous components,

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or if the product is altered in such a way as it causes whatever, death, seizure, stroke,

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heart attack, birth defects, the drug dealer is not liable.

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There's no court, there's no lawsuits or anything like that.

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Now if Walmart did something like that, they'd be sued.

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They could be put out of business.

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If there was one day where McDonald's restaurants around the country put out one hamburger each

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that made people end up in the hospital.

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What would happen to McDonald's?

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They'd be faced by thousands of lawsuits.

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And not only that, what have they lost?

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Say they have 5,000 restaurants, 5,000 lawsuits,

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and million-dollar awards for all of those losses.

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What else have they lost?

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Their business.

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Who's gonna wanna go back to McDonald's

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when everybody, every hometown in America

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has seen somebody that got rat poison in their hamburger

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and ended up in the hospital?

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That doesn't happen to drug dealers.

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They can just vanish, surface someplace else. It's a secret business.

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So that's completely out of the picture. So that a lot of the problems are because the

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legal structure has been eliminated. And then, of course, there's the property rights structure.

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There are no property rights enforced by the government in black markets or in underground

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economy.

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So as a consequence, in terms of enforcing contracts, enforcing sales territories, a

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lot of the business concepts that go over to the underground economy, they aren't enforced

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by the threat of the government or the sheriff coming in and settling this dispute.

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How are they settled? It's in the newspaper every day. People shoot each other. People

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shoot each other. The gangs in this country exist in large part as enforcement mechanisms

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for drug distribution chains. Large drug distribution chains use street gangs to just be the final

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The Federal Distributor and to enforce their little territories, their little contracts.

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None of that would be going on if Wal-Mart was selling marijuana.

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That just wouldn't happen.

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And another thing that doesn't happen in the market economy, that does happen in the underground

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In the black market economy is the issue of miners, people who are 18 years or younger.

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In the market economy, miners can't make valid contracts.

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Any contract they do make, they can back out of at any time without any recourse.

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So if a 17-year-old went into a car dealership and said, yeah, I want to buy that car over

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And the dealer went along with it. The person could drive that car for 30 days and then

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turn it back in. No problem. Minors aren't allowed to make contracts. They're not allowed

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to be conducting certain transactions without the consent of their parents or guardians.

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You can't get a credit card, you can't rent a car, you can't make a real estate transaction,

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you can't get a professional license because the law protects minors.

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Most pharmacies don't allow minors to pick up prescriptions unless they're in the presence

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of an adult or guardian.

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You're not allowed to buy beer or wine or liquor.

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You're not allowed to enter the armed services without permission of your parents.

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So that's what the marketplace does.

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That's what the legal system has been doing for hundreds and hundreds of years.

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But in an underground economy, if you're 17, the drug dealer is not going to make any distinction

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between a 17 and a 19-year-old.

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If they've got 20 bucks, 50 bucks, 100 bucks, they're going to get the drugs.

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No problem, no questions.

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There's no drug dealer who discriminates on that basis that I know of.

242
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Of course, I don't know any, but that's pretty much a pretty good assumption.

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As a matter of fact, the drug trade actually encourages young people not just to consume

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drugs, but to deal drugs.

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Because if you're caught when you're 15 or 16, the penalties for being a retailer of

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Illegal Drugs is much lower than if you were 19 or 20.

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So the prohibition is actually dragging minors into the illicit underground criminal economy.

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So where the mainstream blackboard price diagram shows that legalization would cause significant

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increases in social problems, and I know there's a lot of mainstream economists who don't buy that.

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But as far as their lesson gets into the policy debates, that's exactly what would happen. If I

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advocated prohibition be eliminated and something be legalized, the first response on the part of

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whatever my opposition opponent would be, would they would say if we legalized it, it would become

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and less expensive and more people would be tempted to consume it and I don't buy that.

254
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Has anybody tried heroin in here?

255
00:26:37.520 --> 00:26:45.000
Okay, now if it were legalized and became real cheap, is anybody in here really interested

256
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in doing heroin?

257
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Come on.

258
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No guts, no glory. Of course not. And I've asked that question to rooms of 2,000

259
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people and everybody all of a sudden realizes, well gee, you know, it's not

260
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going to be running for the door type legalization. So that's why we, that's how

261
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But, couldn't you say that a lot of people in this room would say they wouldn't want

262
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to do it because it was socially not right, but if it was legal, then socially it's acceptable

263
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to them, wouldn't more people probably be willing to say, oh yeah, maybe I would?

264
00:27:46.520 --> 00:27:50.960
But again, there are a lot of things in place, as you mentioned, you know, is it socially acceptable?

265
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Would it be acceptable to your employer?

266
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When you take that drug test and they find out you've been doing heroin.

267
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I don't think so.

268
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The market imposes some very stern consequences on drug users.

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You're not even allowed into certain professions or certain jobs.

270
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And people who abuse drugs or alcohol don't get nearly as many promotions or opportunities for pay raises.

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They always get left behind. So there's a very significant penalty paid.

272
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It's sort of secret, but it's out there. And there's been studies that have been done that show that that is the case.

273
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There is a few studies that show that people who drink more earn more, but that's really kind of a flawed study and I know who the author of the study was and he just likes to drink and he got this thing published.

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But generally, people who abuse drugs and abuse alcohol pay a significant economic penalty

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in the marketplace, even though that's not well known out there.

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When you sit back and think about it and you explore your group of people that you have

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known, your friends, your relatives, your classmates, you'll see that that is the case.

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The Legalization in and of itself is not going to solve the problems of drug abuse. We have

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have a social safety net in the United States, as do most advanced countries or developing

280
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countries even have social safety nets that include things like public housing, welfare,

281
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food assistance, unemployment insurance, right on down the list.

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Other countries even have more extensive social safety nets than we do.

283
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Public health departments, access to hospitals, emergency rooms, this is all part of the social

284
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safety net.

285
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But it's that same social safety net that cushions not just people who fall through

286
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the cracks for unexplained reasons, but it cushions the blow of abusing drugs and alcohol.

287
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Because if you get into a car accident, the government is going to pay for an ambulance

288
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to show up and bring you to the emergency room and get you into that hospital and fix

289
00:30:47.260 --> 00:30:53.100
you up if you get into a crash.

290
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If you lose your job, you'll have benefits.

291
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They're not great, obviously, and I certainly don't recommend that, but that is there.

292
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And so to really get rid of the problems of abuse, you'd have to lock down on all that

293
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business as well as on who gets to use the public roads.

294
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And a lot of people just aren't willing to even consider those kind of changes.

295
00:31:25.300 --> 00:31:30.380
But within the Austrian School, you think in those terms, you know, what would a complete

296
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Marketplace, what would be the constraints that people would be under, versus what we

297
00:31:36.780 --> 00:31:45.160
have right now, the myriad of policies, and what constraint does that place on individuals?

298
00:31:45.160 --> 00:31:53.380
So that's the micro-application of how Austrians view things a little bit differently.

299
00:31:53.380 --> 00:31:58.880
And obviously, this is a caricature almost of mainstream economics, there's so much research

300
00:31:58.880 --> 00:32:25.880
The Macro Application is about the business cycle, which is kind of a timely topic for graduating seniors when within the last few weeks or so everybody has changed their mind and said a recession is coming.

301
00:32:25.880 --> 00:32:45.880
I graduated from college in 1982, which was the last really severe economic downturn, which is also the reason why I went to graduate school, because I couldn't get a job, and after that I was just lucky.

302
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So, within the business cycle, business, there are a lot of mainstream theories, or there

303
00:33:04.440 --> 00:33:18.780
There are a lot of theories within mainstream economics over the last 75 years, but in large

304
00:33:18.780 --> 00:33:38.780
For the most part, they all come down to psychology, that the economy should grow like this.

305
00:33:38.780 --> 00:33:52.780
It should just grow, or maybe just stay flat, or if institutions aren't all that great, it should just decline.

306
00:33:52.780 --> 00:33:59.780
But generally speaking, we expect market economies to produce economic growth over time.

307
00:33:59.780 --> 00:34:06.780
And it's only psychological factors, sometimes external shocks,

308
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But basically psychological factors which cause certain periods of time to be where investors are over-exuberant and there's a bandwagon effect

309
00:34:20.780 --> 00:34:31.780
where people see people making profits so they make investments and this piling on of investments creates super profits

310
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And that's basically based on psychological factors which sort of snowball in the economy, creating what Austrians call a boom.

311
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A boom in investment, a boom in the economy.

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And then, for whatever reason, and that phrase is used very often by Keynesian economists and their offshoots

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and Behavioral Finance Analysts, they'll use this phrase for whatever reason and then

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people become less optimistic.

315
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They start cutting back and then that snowballs or just gets going in the negative direction.

316
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Everybody starts pulling back in terms of investment.

317
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They start saving too much money and consumer spending goes down and then the whole economy

318
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goes down.

319
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So the economy is actually characterized by a wave where you have, again, what Austrians

320
00:35:45.700 --> 00:35:52.780
call booms and busts in the economy.

321
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Now, mainstream economists, even the terminology that they use is psychologically based, right?

322
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A bad time in the economy is a panic.

323
00:36:06.060 --> 00:36:18.300
The economy collectively has a panic attack, or it goes into depression.

324
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Now we use more moderate phrases like recessions and slowdowns, try to take the edge off of

325
00:36:29.820 --> 00:36:38.580
those things like panic and depression, like bum people out.

326
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From John Maynard Keynes and people before him to Ben Bernanke, they attributed problems

327
00:36:47.080 --> 00:36:54.720
in the macroeconomy in the business cycle to psychological reasons. Ben Bernanke, his

328
00:36:54.720 --> 00:37:04.720
view is that structural and psychological problems in investing in finance markets, they get

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started and they get out of control and then they have effects in the real economy. So

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So there's these financial markets which are not perfectly stable and they can get a little

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bit out of control, panic can set in and all of a sudden the financial markets signal problems

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to the real economy that things are wrong and so the real economy starts to contract.

333
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Then you can also have external shocks, especially smaller economies can have external shocks

334
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The Austrian view it differently. We have a different sort of set of cause and effects. We don't think that the business cycle is psychologically caused. There are psychological aspects to the business cycle, but it's not psychologically caused.

335
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We have a different sort of set of cause and effects.

336
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We don't think that the business cycle

337
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is psychologically caused.

338
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There are psychological aspects to the business cycle,

339
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but it's not psychologically caused.

340
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The business cycle is a result of the government

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adjusting interest rates above and below the market rate.

342
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The rate that would exist in the marketplace

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had there not been any intervention by the government.

344
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The Federal Reserve, the central bank, as you know, targets interest rates.

345
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The central bank targets interest rates. It targets the federal funds rate and the discount rate.

346
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And it's like a price control for the interest rate, at least the short-term rates.

347
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And if that rate is set too far below what would have happened in the marketplace, what

348
00:39:02.980 --> 00:39:07.240
necessarily must take place?

349
00:39:07.240 --> 00:39:17.580
That means that the Federal Reserve is interjecting or injecting credit into the economy.

350
00:39:17.580 --> 00:39:24.400
gives banks the ability to make more loans than they otherwise could.

351
00:39:24.400 --> 00:39:32.100
So what must happen as a result of this injection of money if the banks are lending it and people

352
00:39:32.100 --> 00:39:38.100
are borrowing it, then generally speaking they're investing it.

353
00:39:38.100 --> 00:39:45.500
And when they invest it at these below market rates, Austrians view these as mostly male

354
00:39:45.500 --> 00:39:54.700
malinvestments, and girls you'll be able to remember this, that means bad investments.

355
00:39:54.700 --> 00:40:01.920
That should stick with you, not you, but others.

356
00:40:01.920 --> 00:40:09.260
And it's these investments that later on turn out to be bad investments.

357
00:40:09.260 --> 00:40:15.420
When the interest rate rises, maybe rises above the market rate, that all of a sudden

358
00:40:15.420 --> 00:40:22.700
people are trying to pay back these loans at the higher rates and the projects just

359
00:40:22.700 --> 00:40:26.780
aren't simply paying off.

360
00:40:26.780 --> 00:40:32.700
So the Austrians have a view of the business cycle where it's caused initially by the central

361
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bank.

362
00:40:35.540 --> 00:40:41.900
It's intervention in interest rate markets that lead to bad investments, which ultimately

363
00:40:41.900 --> 00:40:47.900
have to be washed out of the system.

364
00:40:47.900 --> 00:40:48.900
Does that sound familiar to anyone?

365
00:40:48.900 --> 00:41:07.900
I mean, to me, I've been exposed a bunch to Bill Friedman. I don't see, like in your micro-example and your little macro-example so far, to me it's like Chicago school.

366
00:41:07.900 --> 00:41:33.900
Well, Milton Friedman was exposed to the Austrians. Now, in his technical analysis, he's very Chicago, macro, almost Keynesian in the overall methodology.

367
00:41:33.900 --> 00:41:49.900
But I think he blames the Fed, I think, in her government intervention, the Fed, for instability. I mean, it's fixed money, so I think he blames the Fed, you know, it should be a fixed road where the money supplies, who to talk about.

368
00:41:49.900 --> 00:42:13.900
That's a perfect point because I want to take us back to the Great Depression and what happened there.

369
00:42:13.900 --> 00:42:17.900
What happened in 1929?

370
00:42:17.900 --> 00:42:36.900
There was a stock market crash. The economy had been booming up to that point, and then it stayed in a contracted form, in a depressed form, until after World War II.

371
00:42:36.900 --> 00:42:45.900
Per capita consumption, per capita real consumption was the same in 1929 as it was in 1946.

372
00:42:45.900 --> 00:42:50.900
So this is one of the worst economic episodes in our history.

373
00:42:50.900 --> 00:42:59.900
Now Milton Friedman blames the Fed for the Great Depression, and so do we. So do the Austrians.

374
00:42:59.900 --> 00:43:01.900
Questions.

375
00:43:01.900 --> 00:43:09.580
What we have tried to show, in contrast to Friedman, is that we placed the blame during

376
00:43:09.580 --> 00:43:23.980
this period when the money supply was increasing, GDP was increasing at a above average level.

377
00:43:23.980 --> 00:43:33.120
Friedman places the blame right here, where the economy was contracting, the banking sector

378
00:43:33.120 --> 00:43:45.700
was under pressure, banks were failing, and the Fed did not do enough to save those banks.

379
00:43:45.700 --> 00:43:56.780
As a result, they collapsed and squashed the economy for a long period of time.

380
00:43:56.780 --> 00:44:05.300
Now the interesting thing is that the money supply did contract during this period of

381
00:44:05.300 --> 00:44:06.580
time.

382
00:44:06.580 --> 00:44:12.260
But the Fed was actively reducing the interest rate at this point in time.

383
00:44:12.260 --> 00:44:17.540
They were actively increasing the monetary base at this time.

384
00:44:17.540 --> 00:44:21.660
They were actively reducing the discount rate at this time.

385
00:44:21.660 --> 00:44:27.300
They had raised it leading into 1929.

386
00:44:27.300 --> 00:44:34.180
But once the stock market crash occurred, they reduced those rates and they increased

387
00:44:34.180 --> 00:44:38.520
the monetary base to a considerable extent.

388
00:44:38.520 --> 00:44:45.120
The problem was, is that banks had a lot of bad loans, they had to meet reserve requirements

389
00:44:45.120 --> 00:44:50.400
and things of that nature, and they just really weren't interested in lending, and no one

390
00:44:50.400 --> 00:44:55.000
really was interested in borrowing, that was credit worthy, which wasn't really a whole

391
00:44:55.000 --> 00:44:56.000
lot of people.

392
00:44:56.000 --> 00:44:57.000
Okay, yes?

393
00:44:57.000 --> 00:45:07.000
I think the feds are going to start saying they can't push on a string in the near future.

394
00:45:07.000 --> 00:45:13.000
That's what I mean. They've got to relearn and can't push on a string.

395
00:45:13.000 --> 00:45:20.000
I think they're thinking about these things at the feds and at the regional feds.

396
00:45:20.000 --> 00:45:23.000
Conditions are different in various regions of the country.

397
00:45:23.000 --> 00:45:34.680
But pushing on a string is that the Fed is a point in the business cycle where the Fed tries to increase the money supply, but it doesn't have much of an effect.

398
00:45:34.680 --> 00:45:42.600
Certain measures of the money supply, for example, right now, even with all these rate cuts, it's not expanding.

399
00:45:42.600 --> 00:45:45.480
Certain measures are not expanding.

400
00:45:45.480 --> 00:45:49.480
Would you say the Schumpeter might have something to say here?

401
00:45:49.480 --> 00:45:53.480
You had Omobils, the radio, etc.

402
00:45:53.480 --> 00:46:04.480
And you could argue that the Schumpeter cycle in the 20s was the over-investment period in these new industries?

403
00:46:15.480 --> 00:46:20.440
it does get put to use even if like I'm really smart and I know that this easy

404
00:46:20.440 --> 00:46:27.440
credit is going to lead to failures down the road somebody's going to borrow that

405
00:46:27.440 --> 00:46:51.080
Money. Right, and every major boom in our American history has basically followed

406
00:46:51.080 --> 00:46:56.480
that pattern, whether it was the canals, the railroads, electronics, and automobiles,

407
00:46:56.480 --> 00:47:26.480
The money is becoming super available so people take great risks and then bring new products onto line maybe quicker than they otherwise would be and so they all involve that because there's so much credit there's a lot of investment and in each case those investments in canals and railroads and electronics and technology

408
00:47:26.480 --> 00:47:40.240
went under a lot of them lost money what's that sure I mean yeah I mean it's

409
00:47:40.240 --> 00:47:50.940
the same thing except housing is really not technological mm-hmm and in the

410
00:47:50.940 --> 00:47:54.980
house the house troubles in housing is not this is the first this is not the

411
00:47:54.980 --> 00:48:00.980
We had a point, well that's another thing that happened in the 20s. We had a real estate boom in the West.

412
00:48:00.980 --> 00:48:01.980
In Florida?

413
00:48:01.980 --> 00:48:02.980
Yeah.

414
00:48:02.980 --> 00:48:03.980
In particular?

415
00:48:03.980 --> 00:48:04.980
In particular in Florida.

416
00:48:04.980 --> 00:48:13.100
Now, leading into this, again, the major mainstream economist was Irving Fisher. He invented

417
00:48:13.100 --> 00:48:20.500
modern macroeconomics and the empirical approach to economics. He created the rules under which

418
00:48:20.500 --> 00:48:26.060
Central Banks Operate. He didn't dictate these rules but he invented them, published

419
00:48:26.060 --> 00:48:31.980
them and they were adopted by central banks and basically those rules with some refinements

420
00:48:31.980 --> 00:48:39.520
continue to this day. On the eve of the stock market crash, Fisher was quoted in the New

421
00:48:39.520 --> 00:48:46.600
York Times as saying that the American economy has reached a permanently high plateau of

422
00:48:46.600 --> 00:48:56.360
of Prosperity. This was less than two weeks before the crash began. In 1928, Ludwig von

423
00:48:56.360 --> 00:49:04.880
Mises published a book called The Cause of the Economic Crisis, where he specifically

424
00:49:04.880 --> 00:49:11.160
went through Irving Fisher and showed where he was wrong about business cycle analysis

425
00:49:11.160 --> 00:49:21.400
and he predicted a depression would result.

426
00:49:21.400 --> 00:49:28.760
In 1969, Murray Rothbard, who was a student of Ludwig von Mises and Henry Haslett, who

427
00:49:28.760 --> 00:49:37.440
was an editorial writer for the New York Times and a friend of Ludwig von Mises, Mises was

428
00:49:37.440 --> 00:49:53.440
This is very old at this point. Both published articles saying in 1969 that the policies of the federal government were going to result in a depression, an inflationary depression.

429
00:49:53.440 --> 00:50:15.440
Arthur Oaken, who was the chairman of the president of the Council of Economic Advisors, published a book in May of 1970, claiming that the new Keynesian economics had made the business cycle obsolete, that there was no longer going to be a business cycle.

430
00:50:15.440 --> 00:50:44.440
That was March of 1970. He had just stepped down. In April of 1970, the stock market corrected and in the second quarter, we had negative economic, real economic growth, which ignited basically the stagflation of the 1970s, which had very high interest rates.

431
00:50:44.440 --> 00:50:52.920
interest rates, very high levels of inflation for America, very high levels of unemployment.

432
00:50:52.920 --> 00:51:01.000
The unemployment rate remained above the average unemployment rate for virtually the entire

433
00:51:01.000 --> 00:51:08.080
decade, some of the highest inflation rates in the United States during the 20th century.

434
00:51:08.080 --> 00:51:13.040
We lost the gold standard, we lost the Bretton Woods standard, we had comprehensive wage

435
00:51:13.040 --> 00:51:25.680
and Price Controls in the United States. Things were nasty. Leisure suits, disco music, no

436
00:51:25.680 --> 00:51:52.600
The Japanese stock market is at 36,000.

437
00:51:52.600 --> 00:51:58.680
We were being told by people like Laura DeAndrea Tyson, who was President Clinton's Chairman

438
00:51:58.680 --> 00:52:04.280
of the Council of Economic Advisers, that if we don't adopt the Japanese method and

439
00:52:04.280 --> 00:52:10.640
system, that America will be buried, that we will be a second rate nation, a second

440
00:52:10.640 --> 00:52:19.800
rate economy, and that the Japanese stock market was headed for 100,000.

441
00:52:19.800 --> 00:52:40.600
Four months after Laura D. Anderson's published comments appeared, the Japanese stock market

442
00:52:40.600 --> 00:52:49.200
crashed and has been in a depressed state basically ever since.

443
00:52:49.200 --> 00:52:59.080
In the late 1990s, we were told by the mainstream macro-economists, the government forecasters,

444
00:52:59.080 --> 00:53:11.040
Wall Street, that technology was a new era, just like in the previous 1920s and so forth.

445
00:53:11.040 --> 00:53:18.620
That we were in a new era, and that the main problem we had to face is the possibility

446
00:53:18.620 --> 00:53:25.980
that there would no longer be the need for people to work that was the major

447
00:53:25.980 --> 00:53:31.340
problem that the mainstream theorists and outside of economics as well that was

448
00:53:31.340 --> 00:53:36.900
our big problem this technology thing was real it was building on itself

449
00:53:36.900 --> 00:53:40.340
because of technological reasons it wasn't the monetary system or anything

450
00:53:40.340 --> 00:53:45.100
else it was just technology was doubling every 18 months and you know all that

451
00:53:45.100 --> 00:53:50.140
kind of stuff. We'd never have another time where the business cycle was

452
00:53:50.140 --> 00:53:56.020
considered obsolete. Now the Austrians were, I have a paper outlining this where

453
00:53:56.020 --> 00:54:03.500
the Austrians were predicting in late 97 to into 1999 that this was a

454
00:54:03.500 --> 00:54:09.880
technological bubble and that it wouldn't last and that's essentially what

455
00:54:09.880 --> 00:54:21.280
came to pass, the Nasdaq lost about 80% of its value, just as what happened in the 1970s.

456
00:54:21.280 --> 00:54:26.880
I mean, all the hot stocks lost more than 80% of their value, and the stock market never

457
00:54:26.880 --> 00:54:33.360
even recovered in nominal terms for over a decade.

458
00:54:33.360 --> 00:54:44.120
And then, starting in late 2002, 2003, 2004, Austrians were calling the housing market

459
00:54:44.120 --> 00:54:51.280
in the United States and elsewhere a bubble, driven by monetary policy at the Fed.

460
00:54:51.280 --> 00:54:54.540
Everybody was making fun of us, essentially.

461
00:54:54.540 --> 00:54:58.800
They said, real estate never goes down.

462
00:54:58.800 --> 00:55:03.040
The best investment you could ever make is in your home.

463
00:55:03.040 --> 00:55:08.100
A lot of these sayings were out there, people have sort of forgot about those things now,

464
00:55:08.100 --> 00:55:17.360
but basically we were predicting during the boom itself that this bust must come to pass.

465
00:55:17.360 --> 00:55:23.720
Because it's not merely financial, it's actual structured investments that are being made

466
00:55:23.720 --> 00:55:30.160
during the boom, you just simply can't make those things go away, you can't make bad debts

467
00:55:30.160 --> 00:55:36.680
Let's go away. Somebody has to pay them. And that's where the real pain of the business

468
00:55:36.680 --> 00:55:43.960
cycle lays. So, Austrians disagree that the business cycle is caused psychologically.

469
00:55:43.960 --> 00:55:49.560
We agree that psychology is a big part about it. People get over-exuberant. They do get

470
00:55:49.560 --> 00:55:57.160
fearful. That's all part of it, but it's not caused by mass psychology. It's caused by

471
00:55:57.160 --> 00:56:00.160
by the Federal Reserve.

472
00:56:00.160 --> 00:56:03.920
And with that, I think I'll stop and see if we have any questions, I guess.

473
00:56:03.920 --> 00:56:04.920
Yes.

474
00:56:04.920 --> 00:56:11.920
It sounds to me as if, and I get this from other things I've heard about Austrian economics,

475
00:56:11.920 --> 00:56:16.920
which I don't know very much about, but that you're saying they want a hands-off approach

476
00:56:16.920 --> 00:56:23.920
from government, maybe even no government whatsoever, because it affects market behavior.

477
00:56:23.920 --> 00:56:34.920
And it kind of reminds me of, you know, the Heisberg in a certain sense or where you can mess with something and like just measuring something can affect the results.

478
00:56:34.920 --> 00:56:46.920
But then what would an economist do that was an Austrian economist because theorizing about it or talking about it or having it on the news would affect behavior.

479
00:56:46.920 --> 00:56:56.920
So, do they not see their own role in their policies or their theories that they put out that it would affect behavior as well, in the same way that government does?

480
00:57:16.920 --> 00:57:28.920
from causing a cycle. Austrians basically don't advocate anything. So we don't advocate any government. We just don't advocate. We just say, if you do this, this is what you can expect.

481
00:57:46.920 --> 00:57:50.920
What Happens Is What Happens

482
00:58:16.920 --> 00:58:21.120
track records who sell advice and that sort of thing.

483
00:58:21.120 --> 00:58:24.960
But generally speaking, the track record is very good.

484
00:58:24.960 --> 00:58:27.440
We don't make regular predictions.

485
00:58:27.440 --> 00:58:30.300
We only see big moves in markets.

486
00:58:30.300 --> 00:58:33.000
We don't see small moves in markets.

487
00:58:33.000 --> 00:58:39.960
That's where mainstream is more, you know, if the trend isn't changing, mainstream tools

488
00:58:39.960 --> 00:58:46.280
can pick up those spins and weaves along the trend much better than we could.

489
00:58:46.280 --> 00:58:55.280
What is Austrian liberalism compared to classical liberalism?

490
00:58:55.280 --> 00:58:59.280
What is Austrian liberalism compared to classical liberalism?

491
00:59:16.280 --> 00:59:29.280
Austrian school then were supporters of classical liberalism?

492
00:59:46.280 --> 00:59:53.160
but that's usually pretty rare. Or there's a lot of Austrian economists who

493
00:59:53.160 --> 00:59:59.440
don't even talk about their political orientations or their policy views. Mum's

494
00:59:59.440 --> 01:00:05.800
the word, so to speak, as in sort of a point to the previous question as well.

495
01:00:05.800 --> 01:00:07.800
Carol?

496
01:00:35.800 --> 01:00:51.800
20% of your gain. And that's the problem I have. A lot of people are forecasting woes. It's like sometime in the future, but you need, I mean, does that mean you don't invest in housing or stuff? I mean, I remember that.

497
01:00:51.800 --> 01:00:54.800
But you were predicting way too early.

498
01:00:54.800 --> 01:00:57.800
I said it would have to happen sooner or later.

499
01:00:57.800 --> 01:00:59.800
I know, but what does that mean?

500
01:00:59.800 --> 01:01:03.800
Well, I didn't mean 50 years, obviously.

501
01:01:03.800 --> 01:01:10.800
I'm just saying that, in my opinion, your theory is implicitly forecasting

502
01:01:10.800 --> 01:01:13.800
because I anticipate the housing crash, too.

503
01:01:13.800 --> 01:01:16.800
That's largely because I buy into a lot of your philosophy.

504
01:01:16.800 --> 01:01:20.800
So forecasting is implicit.

505
01:01:20.800 --> 01:01:49.800
Well, the Austrians do not have any tools available to them to time these changes, or even the magnitudes.

506
01:01:49.800 --> 01:01:54.840
You can only get a feel for magnitudes and timing.

507
01:01:54.840 --> 01:01:59.720
Austrians did start predicting the bubble of the 1990s.

508
01:01:59.720 --> 01:02:05.880
In 1996, James Grant, who is one of the most astute observers of the markets and who is

509
01:02:05.880 --> 01:02:12.840
Austrian, published a book in 1996, way ahead of everything that happened.

510
01:02:12.840 --> 01:02:19.040
In terms of timing, I always step outside the Austrian schools and use technical tools

511
01:02:19.040 --> 01:02:24.960
Because Austrian analysis doesn't give you anything that predicts timing and magnitude.

512
01:02:24.960 --> 01:02:32.920
That's all feel and technical analysis have to be brought to bear on that stuff.

513
01:02:32.920 --> 01:02:38.800
The only time I actually got something right in terms of timing it is I published a short

514
01:02:38.800 --> 01:02:47.000
article in the beginning of October 2005 where I said that this week might be the turning

515
01:02:47.000 --> 01:03:11.800
If you always get out before the top, you win in a long run.

516
01:03:11.800 --> 01:03:18.800
Where you screw up is wait, wait, wait, wait, and you get caught in the down-turn.

517
01:03:18.800 --> 01:03:20.800
But I disagree with that.

518
01:03:20.800 --> 01:03:22.800
I knew you would.

519
01:03:22.800 --> 01:03:26.800
I mean, Carol, I imagine if you have not been heavily in stocks for the last four years,

520
01:03:26.800 --> 01:03:30.800
if you had been, you'd probably be way ahead of it.

521
01:03:30.800 --> 01:03:39.800
Well, you know, there's a couple of prominent investors in history when asked,

522
01:03:39.800 --> 01:03:45.800
How did they make so much money? And they both said they got out too soon.

523
01:03:45.800 --> 01:03:48.800
Yes?

524
01:03:48.800 --> 01:04:01.800
How should the, if the Federal Reserve has caused a lot of problems in the business cycle, then what type of behavior should they correct? What's their problem?

525
01:04:01.800 --> 01:04:10.800
Well, they're setting interest rates. They could do a whole lot better simply by letting the federal funds rate float.

526
01:04:10.800 --> 01:04:18.800
I mean, if I was put in charge of the Fed, there's absolutely no chance of that.

527
01:04:18.800 --> 01:04:28.800
That's my first directive would be is I'd say I would announce to markets that in 30 days we're letting the federal funds rate float.

528
01:04:28.800 --> 01:04:47.800
That was my assumption, based on what you were talking about pre-1929, and that's my intuition to it as well, is that they should have let the interest rates reflect the market a little better, so that people can make their own choices as to how they invest.

529
01:04:58.800 --> 01:05:08.440
Standard, a gold and silver standard monetary system, along with 100% reserve banking,

530
01:05:08.440 --> 01:05:15.040
so that any checking deposit money, any money on your debit card had to be in the bank in

531
01:05:15.040 --> 01:05:22.500
some form or another, whereas time deposits would be lent out for investment purposes.

532
01:05:22.500 --> 01:05:28.460
We think that, you know, that that was the system that evolved into the marketplace hundreds

533
01:05:58.460 --> 01:06:22.460
It's largely an education and academic institution, but ideologically, the Institute likes the idea of moving society back to freedom, back to private property, and to sound money, and to free markets.

534
01:06:22.460 --> 01:06:30.560
because those institutions that evolved over long periods of time set the

535
01:06:30.560 --> 01:06:38.420
preconditions for a stable prosperous society and eliminates a lot of the

536
01:06:38.420 --> 01:06:43.420
problems that are involved with trying to institutionally structure society

537
01:06:43.420 --> 01:06:51.680
through the political process and we've been in business since 1982 when I went

538
01:06:51.680 --> 01:06:58.480
to Graduate School and when basically the Austrian School was disintegrated and today

539
01:06:58.480 --> 01:07:01.320
it's actually very vibrant.

540
01:07:01.320 --> 01:07:06.760
We have an academic conference every spring.

541
01:07:06.760 --> 01:07:08.840
It's grown every year.

542
01:07:08.840 --> 01:07:16.780
We get people from around the globe attending this conference from many different countries

543
01:07:16.780 --> 01:07:27.060
And the average age, not only is the Austrian school getting much larger and growing at a very fast rate, but it's also getting younger.

544
01:07:27.060 --> 01:07:29.740
Every year, we get younger and younger.

545
01:07:29.740 --> 01:07:36.580
As a matter of fact, you know, in 1982, I was just a kid and now I'm an old fart.

546
01:07:36.580 --> 01:07:59.100
Yes, yeah that's, well that's that's still a problem. That is definitely still a

547
01:07:59.100 --> 01:08:05.580
problem to be able to offer PhDs. Now George Mason has a concentration in

548
01:08:05.580 --> 01:08:12.740
in Austrian Economics, and there are now several young PhDs at PhD-granting institutions around

549
01:08:12.740 --> 01:08:13.740
the country.

550
01:08:13.740 --> 01:08:18.400
You can get information about that at our webpage, and there's also a Masters in Austrian

551
01:08:18.400 --> 01:08:19.400
Economics.

552
01:08:19.400 --> 01:08:25.020
So you just do Austrian Economics at Grove City College in Pennsylvania, and that's coming

553
01:08:25.020 --> 01:08:30.780
online next year, and by online I don't mean that the classes are online just yet, but

554
01:08:30.780 --> 01:08:32.820
eventually they will be.

555
01:08:32.820 --> 01:08:39.140
But we actually advocate that if students really wanted to get their Ph.D., that you go get

556
01:08:39.140 --> 01:08:51.460
a regular Ph.D. If you want to get into academia, you are going to have to know mainstream economics.

557
01:08:51.460 --> 01:08:56.600
And so it's not, you know, so go to Harvard. Actually, Harvard is one of the most free

558
01:08:56.600 --> 01:09:08.800
We market PhD departments now, and so we advocate, go to a good school where you know one of

559
01:09:08.800 --> 01:09:14.640
the professors work and do your best and study Austrian economics as well.

560
01:09:14.640 --> 01:09:20.160
Do you offer summer workshops for students or for Ed and Oliver?

561
01:09:20.160 --> 01:09:25.520
We have a program in the summer, it's called Mises University, students come for one week,

562
01:09:55.520 --> 01:10:25.520
World. And it's a really neat place to go because you get to see and interact with students from around the world and students who are thinking about going to graduate school and that kind of stuff. So it's a really good program. You all have a brochure about that. And we have other conferences. We hold conferences around the country, introductory conferences. But Mises.org is probably the biggest resource that you guys have missed out on. It's the world's largest and most trafficked economic

563
01:10:25.520 --> 01:10:55.520
The Federal Reserve, the SEC, the White House, even The Economist magazine, in terms of traffic, downloads, hits, all that kind of stuff, and everything is there, 24-7-365, everything is free except things you purchase in the bookstore, and we have a lot of things that you can buy in the bookstore, and we have a lot of things you can buy in the bookstore, and we have a lot of things you can buy in the bookstore, and we have a lot of things you can buy in the bookstore,

564
01:10:55.520 --> 01:11:00.020
Books online, articles, journals, you name it, you got it.

565
01:11:00.020 --> 01:11:06.020
So please go take a look at this, and if you have anything that you've got to write a paper about,

566
01:11:06.020 --> 01:11:10.020
go do a search of Mises.org. Thank you very much.
