WEBVTT

NOTE Voting for Victory? An Analysis of Confederate Trade Legislation

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The little present that I've brought along that's still in the mail room is just a copy of the quarterly journal of Austrian Economics. I'm one of the editors of this journal.

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It's something that I highly recommend because I know that many of you have looked through professional academic journals and what you'll very often find is a great deal of mathematics and formulas

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and things that may not be really relevant to applied economics, the type of things that you might be doing on the job or things that might benefit you on the job and this is a journal that we hope and strive to make very readable and very helpful either directly in applying economic analysis or in building your ability to formulate problems and to understand the background methodology of what

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The Austrian economist view as economics, and I am obviously from the Austrian school of economists, and at the Ludwig von Mises Institute, we're kind of like the Shiite Austrian economists in contrast to the Sunni sort of soft core, wishy-washy type of Austrians.

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Now, with that said, however, I have to say that this talk is based on a paper which has

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been distributed apparently over the web to you that is much more in line with mainstream

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applications, methodology and content.

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The paper itself, Voting for Victory, An Analysis of Confederate Government Trade Regulations

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and Legislation, that sounds pretty darn unimportant 150 years later about a failed government.

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What I'm going to argue and show you is that it provides a lot of valuable lessons.

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So in the course of this evening I hope that you will see basically how we have carried

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out this research agenda, not just in this paper but in a series of papers and most recently

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a book on the subject about the role of economics in the American Civil War.

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And I think you'll also find that we're going to be providing some key insights into the

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actual outcome of America's greatest and most tragic and most liberating event in American

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and History.

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And it's not just historical, but I think that what you'll find is that these insights

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are just as applicable today in terms of improving our understanding of things like war, things

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like trade policy, and things like how politics actually works.

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So I'm going to begin by giving you sort of an overview of our research agenda.

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What we started with and what we've come to in this, probably the last paper in the series.

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It started out as a one-line footnote in my dissertation, literally one line, and my dissertation

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director said, what is this?

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I said it's a footnote, you can't have a footnote that's just one line long.

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But there it was, and basically what it was, was a note saying that the running drugs into

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the country illegally is very similar to what the blockade runners were doing during the

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Civil War.

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They were running goods into the country against a very formidable police force.

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So we started with that.

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And that one footnote has become a long, drawn out, but I think insightful research agenda.

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The first paper in the series, we're basically taking very simple economic tools here.

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I think you can do a lot of good research, publishable research, with basic economics

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that you could very easily find in your Principles of Economics course.

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In this paper, what we are playing off is what's called the Elchin and Allen effect.

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And has anybody heard of the Elchin and Allen effect in here?

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Okay, a couple people.

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It's just basically relative prices.

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And Elchin and Allen described a problem in the state of Washington

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where the people in Washington were complaining that all the good apples were being shipped out.

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And Elchin and Allen explained that the cost of the truck of shipping those apples

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from the state of Washington to Arkansas is the same.

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The truck driver doesn't care whether the apples are really good apples or really poor apples and so as a consequence of that fixed cost of shipping the apples out, the apple shippers would end up shipping out the highest quality apples and leaving the rotten, spoiled, gnarly apples for the people of Washington.

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So, the same thing happens with drugs. When drug dealers think about running drugs into

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the country, from Colombia, let's say, and they realize that they're facing the same

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amount of risk, whether they run in marijuana with potency of 2% or marijuana with potency

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of 5%. So, what they end up doing is, based on their incentives, with that fixed cost

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of Money, The Theory of Money and Credit of Money and Credit of Money and Credit of Money

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and Alan Effect, we call it the Rhett-Butler Effect because Butler was the famous character

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in Gone with the Wind who was a blockade runner. And what we found was we looked at the number

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of ships running in through the blockade, we looked at the number that were being captured,

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which is akin to the number of drug dealers being captured, and then we looked at the

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price of high quality goods versus low quality goods. And what we found was that every time

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The union forces of the North were successful in capturing the blockade runners that the

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price of luxury goods would actually fall because the blockade runners would go more

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and more towards the high-quality, high-priced luxury goods.

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So it's a very simple relative price effect.

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If you put a fixed cost on doing something like transporting a good, you'll end up encouraging

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The Higher Potency, Higher Quality Good.

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The second paper was actually published in the Quarterly Journal of Austrian Economics.

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In this case we looked at what could the Confederate government have done to improve the odds of

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block-haters running into the South and bringing goods, much needed goods in and cotton out

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of the Country.

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Well, what we found is they didn't do anything positive and that they actually ended up enacting

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a lot of negative policies on these blockade runners and made it actually more difficult

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to run the blockade.

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So in the first paper we emphasized just the basic price effect of running the blockade

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and capturing the ships.

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In the second paper, we looked at Confederate policy, and we began to realize that instead of just really a minor issue,

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something that's more related to the movie Gone with the Wind than to anything of modern policy relevance,

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And what we came to see was that this battle at sea was really the key to the outcome of America's Civil War.

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You may know, you may not know, but North and South were fairly evenly matched.

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Their generals went to the same war college. They had the same guns. They had the same bullets.

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People.

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But it's a lot easier to defend a position than to attack a position.

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And the Union was attacking while the South only had to defend itself.

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You may recall at Gettysburg when General Lee sent General Pickett with 10,000 men on

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Pickett's charge up a hill.

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Lee used all of his cannons and shot the cannons at the Union lines until the cannons were

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You could expect to be a draw, and the land war was a draw.

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The Union would win a battle, the Confederacy would win a battle.

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The next one would be a draw, and it would go on like that.

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Okay?

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Now, if you have a war like that, eventually, if the Union can invade successfully and overthrow

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the Confederate government, then the Confederate government wins the war.

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But they didn't, obviously.

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We argue that the blockade was a leaky affair, if not for Confederate policy.

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It's kind of interesting to note that in this battle at sea, this most important battle,

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on the Confederate side, the people running the blockade, they didn't have uniforms, they

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They didn't have guns. They never shot at the Union ships. And the Union blockade fleet

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that was trying to stop these blockade runners in this most important aspect of the war,

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they didn't shoot at the Confederates either. They didn't shoot at the Confederates because

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the Union blockade fleet was paid on the basis of how many ships they captured. So if you

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You guys had a union boat out there and you captured a Confederate ship with valuable

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cotton, let's say.

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You could take it to port and sell it and get to keep all the money.

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So they never shot at the Confederates because they didn't want to damage the ship and damage

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the commodities that were on board.

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So what were the Confederates' mistakes?

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Well, they started the war with a policy of King Cotton, which said that cotton was king,

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We're not going to sell any to the rest of the world, and we're going to make England

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and France intervene on our behalf.

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We're going to make them send their large navies to the Confederacy and blow up the

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Union ships.

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Of course, that didn't work.

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Then they came up with a brilliant idea of impressing naval ships in the South.

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So if you had a large cargo ship, let's say, in the South, the Confederate government impressed

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at the University of New York, The University of New York, The University of New York, The

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The American South at this time was an economy based more on its own comparative advantage

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in cotton production than any other economy in the world and probably the history of the

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world.

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And then later in the war they enacted trade regulations.

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They said that this blockade business is out of control and that we need to regulate it.

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So they prohibited luxury goods from being imported.

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They put price controls on imported goods, and they required that all ships coming and

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going leave half of their cargo space for the Confederate government.

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And you might think at first that some of those things don't sound too bad, like prohibiting

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luxury goods.

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Why do we need to import jewelry and perfume and brandy and things like that, dresses,

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when we're at war and we're losing the war?

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Well, it turns out that luxury goods were imported by the crew, that each crew got to

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carry a knapsack of stuff into the country.

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And so the blockade runners had an incentive to run because they were carrying a bag full

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The next paper we looked more specifically at, did the regulations have to do with the

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In this paper is called The Unintended Consequences of Confederate Trade Legislation, so the ultimate

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And the answer is going to be it hurt the war effort, that it even hurt the government's

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ability to get food for its troops and ammunition for the army.

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And of course it's very difficult to decipher these kind of things empirically.

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You've got a war going on, you've got hyperinflation going on.

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So the numbers that exist from this period are very difficult to decipher.

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There was a currency revaluation at the exact same time, so that while all this is going

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on, the Confederate government said, if you bring in $3 of Confederate currency, we'll

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give you $2 of the new currency.

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If you don't bring in the old currency, it's not going to be worth anything after a certain

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Period Time. So there's a lot of chaos going on in the world of this economy, this historical

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economy, but what we did was we divided up the goods for which we had price data into

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the category of goods that were wholly imported into the South, goods that were wholly domestically

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produced in the South, and goods that were both produced domestically and imported. And

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So we're using very basic techniques, again, to look at this question.

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And what we found was that imports, the goods that were imported, rose dramatically after

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this legislation went into effect.

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So things like, basic things that the Confederate war effort and the Confederate economy needed

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like beef, flour and salt, basic necessities dried up and the price of domestically produced

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goods like cotton actually went down because it couldn't get out into the European markets.

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So what we do find when we apply some econometric techniques to this issue is that this legislation

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caused a distinct harm to the southern economy and this is occurring almost simultaneously

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with the disintegration of the Confederate Army and the disappearance of the Confederate

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government.

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I mean, the army is being dispersed, the Confederate government is on the run, Jefferson Davis

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is wearing a dress and trying to escape Richmond, basically, as a result of this legislation.

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So it doesn't seem to make much sense that they use this legislation.

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And so we're getting a little closer to this particular paper, but when we published this

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book, the academic journal Public Choice, which looks at issues of why particular pieces

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of legislation are enacted, they reviewed it and reviewed it very favorably, but at

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But at the end they said they never did explain why the Confederate government would make

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all of these bonehead policy moves that undermine their own efforts.

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So hence this paper.

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Why did they vote for policies that would have unintended consequences if they were

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known to be obviously destructive.

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So here we have Voting for Victory, an analysis of the Confederate trade legislation.

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Things were not going good for the Confederacy in mid-1863.

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The Union won at Gettysburg, Vicksburg and Chattanooga so that the Confederate Army in

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Pennsylvania was badly defeated, the city of Vicksburg in Mississippi was captured, opening

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up the Mississippi, cutting off Texas and the other western states, and Chattanooga,

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you know where Chattanooga is, it's in central south Tennessee on the road I-75 headed towards

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and the Heartbed of the Southern Economy.

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So things were looking very poorly and the Confederate government started enacting a

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lot of legislation like this trade legislation, including lots of taxes.

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The act itself was called an act to prohibit luxury goods or articles not necessary or

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of common use.

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and it consisted of, as I said, prohibitions against luxuries, price controls on imports

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and impressments of ship or cargo space. Political scientists are also been paying recent attention

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to this issue. As a matter of fact, I just received a working paper, Yale University

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report on the question of why did the Confederates wait so long to enact taxes to support the

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War Effort, and why do they use inflation for so long? Basically, one of the differences

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that you find between economists, most economists, and political scientists, or most political

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scientists, is that political scientists try to explain things almost, not exclusively,

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but usually by ideology. What's the politician's ideology? Are they liberal or conservative?

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Are they Republican or Democrat?

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Economists look for economic interests.

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Who's going to benefit?

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How much is this going to cost?

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Who's going to have to pay for this piece of legislation?

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Of course, neither side denies, economists don't deny that ideology exists and political

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Scientists don't deny that economic interests don't exist. It's just where the emphasis lays.

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So, again, what we find is that very often the best technique is often the simplest. And so we

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We looked at how these legislators voted.

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In December 24th, 1863, the bill was introduced and read.

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December 30th, it came up but was postponed.

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January 21st, it came up in 1864 and it was postponed.

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January 28th, an amendment to the bill was offered in Congress.

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And this amendment, it's a little confusing in the paper, but this amendment basically

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would allow the president of the Confederacy to weaken this legislation.

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So that instead of requiring all ships have to give exactly 50% to the Confederate government,

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this legislation would allow the president to reduce that percentage to say 30%.

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The amendment failed, 24 to 42. Next, a move to reconsider this bill, in other words, to

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take another vote or another look at it, came up, but it failed again, 27 to 37, voting

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against the movement to reconsider. Then finally, on that day, a final vote was taken and it

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passed unamended in its original form 61 to 11. Virtually all the people who voted against

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it had voted for the amendment and voted for the motion to reconsider. Now we had a problem

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with the amount of data that's involved in this. So what we wanted to do is to look at

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all three votes as counting towards a particular representative's view of things.

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So we made an index so that if you voted against the amendment, a representative would be given

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a value of plus one.

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If you voted against reconsidering the amendment, you were given another plus one, and if you

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When you voted for the trade regulation itself, you were given a plus one.

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And so through this method, you could have a legislator who was ranked zero, who was

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completely for free trade, or you could have a representative ranked three, who was completely

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against free trade.

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Or you could have something in between, somebody who was marginally pro-trade or marginally

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Against Trade.

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Now we ran several models, as you saw on the paper, first running the models without ideological

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or political variables and then running them with ideological and political variables.

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We started out by testing each of the separate votes on the legislation and then we used the

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combined vote of the index 0 through 3.

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We compared their voting records to who they were, what were their characteristics, and

216
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the types of variables we used were, we had three political variables, which was how they

217
00:25:46.160 --> 00:25:49.600
Whether they stood on secession, whether they wanted to leave the Union or not in the first

218
00:25:49.600 --> 00:25:55.760
place, what was their political party prior to the war, Democrat or Whig, and whether

219
00:25:55.760 --> 00:25:59.800
or not they were a lame duck in Congress.

220
00:25:59.800 --> 00:26:05.180
We included eight occupational categories, if they were a farmer or a lawyer or a banker.

221
00:26:05.180 --> 00:26:10.660
We included two variables about representatives' slave holdings.

222
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How many did they have and how significant those holdings were.

223
00:26:15.840 --> 00:26:23.260
Three variables about their personal wealth, a slave index of the congressional county

224
00:26:23.260 --> 00:26:30.440
that they were from, the county income, and four invasion variables, whether or not the

225
00:26:30.440 --> 00:26:37.980
congressman district was occupied by the union forces or whether or not the congressman district

226
00:26:37.980 --> 00:26:42.900
was behind enemy lines, so to speak.

227
00:26:42.900 --> 00:26:47.460
So we basically have a very good picture of who these people were, what their occupation

228
00:26:47.460 --> 00:26:51.860
was, how much money they had, what their county was like, was it a slave holding county or

229
00:26:51.860 --> 00:26:57.820
was it a free county, and whether or not it was behind enemy lines.

230
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We argue in the paper that whether or not a district was invaded is the key and deciding

231
00:27:05.060 --> 00:27:06.340
factor.

232
00:27:06.340 --> 00:27:11.020
You're always going to have some people who are for free trade and benefit from free trade

233
00:27:11.020 --> 00:27:17.500
and you're always going to have people who are against trade and pro-protectionist.

234
00:27:17.500 --> 00:27:26.020
But the one thing that changes through the war is not really their ideology, is not really

235
00:27:26.020 --> 00:27:31.380
their county, is not really their personal standing or their profession, but whether

236
00:27:31.380 --> 00:27:37.460
or not their district was invaded and occupied by the Union.

237
00:27:37.460 --> 00:27:40.940
Now why would this matter?

238
00:27:40.940 --> 00:27:48.140
Well, in the case of trade legislation, we argue that it's placing costs on people who

239
00:27:48.140 --> 00:27:51.200
live in the South during the war.

240
00:27:51.200 --> 00:27:57.420
If you put prohibitions, if you put price indexes, if you put taxes on the economy,

241
00:27:57.420 --> 00:28:00.920
what's that going to do?

242
00:28:00.920 --> 00:28:03.460
It's going to raise the price of food to you.

243
00:28:03.460 --> 00:28:06.420
It's going to raise the price of clothing to you.

244
00:28:06.420 --> 00:28:10.220
It's going to raise the price of medicine to you.

245
00:28:10.220 --> 00:28:15.060
Unions are going to go up. You're going to inflict pain on people. You're going to make

246
00:28:15.060 --> 00:28:24.460
it not impossible but very difficult to export those products that they make. But if you're

247
00:28:24.460 --> 00:28:31.460
behind enemy lines, if you're in union control, that policy isn't going to hurt you at all.

248
00:28:31.460 --> 00:28:37.060
Those taxes, those prohibitions, those price controls essentially don't matter in those

249
00:29:07.060 --> 00:29:15.180
That's very boring. That's also not my specialty. I'm not an econometrician. So if you have

250
00:29:15.180 --> 00:29:20.480
any really hard questions, especially if it involves really hard words, I'm probably not

251
00:29:20.480 --> 00:29:28.200
going to be able to answer them. But I will take any difficult questions on econometrics

252
00:29:28.200 --> 00:29:34.500
back to my econometrician. And if he thinks it's a good question, I'll see if I can get

253
00:29:34.500 --> 00:29:47.020
And the best question, I'll even give you a copy of my book, but what did we find?

254
00:29:47.020 --> 00:29:55.740
Well basically that invasion of your district made it always much more likely, statistically

255
00:29:55.740 --> 00:30:01.340
significant, that you were going to vote for restrictions on trade.

256
00:30:01.340 --> 00:30:08.280
So if your constituents were beyond Confederate held territory, you would vote for those

257
00:30:08.280 --> 00:30:15.600
draconian trade restrictions and that's really the only variable that comes out consistently

258
00:30:15.600 --> 00:30:22.780
across all these models.

259
00:30:22.780 --> 00:30:35.080
Leave Owners tended to vote in the same way.

260
00:30:35.080 --> 00:30:41.060
Now one of the interesting things that's going on here is as the Union is invading, it's

261
00:30:41.060 --> 00:30:45.300
in a sense liberating the slaves.

262
00:30:45.300 --> 00:30:51.100
And you can liberate slaves, it's really hard to liberate land, things like land, because

263
00:30:51.100 --> 00:30:57.580
That's fixed. But slaves can run away. Slaves can be captured by Union troops and freed

264
00:30:57.580 --> 00:31:06.700
into the North. And so the slave owners are going to be pushing for any measure that might

265
00:31:06.700 --> 00:31:18.260
help preserve their slave ownership. Non-slave districts, not surprisingly, also had some

266
00:31:18.260 --> 00:31:23.780
some evidence that they wanted to weaken these regulations.

267
00:31:23.780 --> 00:31:34.860
So when we get weak evidence that places urban areas, seaports, congressmen from those districts

268
00:31:34.860 --> 00:31:41.460
with the intent not to be fewer slaves and more international trade, people who worked

269
00:31:41.460 --> 00:31:46.100
in finance, people who worked in banking, that occupation actually came up with some

270
00:31:46.100 --> 00:31:48.100
The Theory of Money and Credit

271
00:32:16.100 --> 00:32:26.660
The Yale University study that I mentioned found it entirely different.

272
00:32:26.660 --> 00:32:33.180
They didn't look at this piece of legislation, they looked at taxes and they found that ideological

273
00:32:33.180 --> 00:32:43.580
variables did matter, sort of, and that capture variables like invasion variables did not

274
00:32:43.580 --> 00:32:44.580
matter.

275
00:32:44.580 --> 00:33:00.580
They kind of found the exact opposite, but not really. They measured things differently, and they also use slave ownership as an ideological variable.

276
00:33:00.580 --> 00:33:12.580
Well, we're using it as an economic variable. So in many respects, I think that they kind of changed the data from its original form.

277
00:33:12.580 --> 00:33:17.540
and actually we're taking data that was given by other political scientists

278
00:33:17.540 --> 00:33:22.120
and they changed the data in the mean of some of the variables to come up with

279
00:33:22.120 --> 00:33:24.740
ideological results.

280
00:33:24.740 --> 00:33:27.420
So why did the Confederate Congress

281
00:33:27.420 --> 00:33:30.040
vote for these unintended consequences

282
00:33:30.040 --> 00:33:35.160
that actively contributed to the fall of the Confederate government?

283
00:33:35.160 --> 00:33:38.240
The answer is that occupied districts

284
00:33:38.240 --> 00:33:40.520
could vote for

285
00:33:40.520 --> 00:33:46.920
the legislation without having to pay any of the cost, okay, so you've lost your district,

286
00:33:46.920 --> 00:33:52.040
your congressman represented a district that's been lost, it's not going to cost your district

287
00:33:52.040 --> 00:33:57.960
anything, but it might conceivably get it back for you, you might conceivably have some

288
00:33:57.960 --> 00:34:00.800
chance of the Confederacy winning.

289
00:34:00.800 --> 00:34:12.720
So basically, we view the Confederate loss and the Union victory on the part of the South

290
00:34:12.720 --> 00:34:22.640
as a flawed democracy, that basically this ability to vote for benefits and costs of

291
00:34:22.640 --> 00:34:30.740
districts that are no longer under control of your government is a weakness in the political

292
00:34:30.740 --> 00:34:36.660
System, which ultimately contributed to the fall of the Confederacy.

293
00:34:36.660 --> 00:34:45.660
Our research process and program has examined many of the aspects of this key issue of the

294
00:34:45.660 --> 00:34:47.760
American Civil War.

295
00:34:47.760 --> 00:34:51.640
We identify a main problem, which is the blockade.

296
00:34:51.640 --> 00:34:57.380
We identify a main effect, which is the Rhett-Butler Effect or the Relative Price Effect.

297
00:34:57.380 --> 00:35:04.180
We look at the effectiveness of the blockade and find that it's a policy-driven result

298
00:35:04.180 --> 00:35:06.660
on the part of the Confederate government.

299
00:35:06.660 --> 00:35:12.540
We look at specific analysis such as the unintended consequences of the trade legislation, and

300
00:35:12.540 --> 00:35:19.920
we find the source of the problem, which is the congressional voting, which essentially

301
00:35:19.920 --> 00:35:30.380
led to big government solutions and in this case prohibitions, price controls and impressments.

302
00:35:30.380 --> 00:35:42.720
And this is in line with a more general theme where the Confederate loss was a result of

303
00:35:42.720 --> 00:35:51.120
a big government approach to the war and a big government approach that became more draconian

304
00:35:51.120 --> 00:35:57.600
as the war proceeded and that this evidence that we're providing is evidence for what's

305
00:35:57.600 --> 00:36:05.220
called now in the history profession the libertarian view of the Civil War and it's interesting

306
00:36:05.220 --> 00:36:13.700
And to note that this libertarian view of the Civil War has been attributed to a fellow

307
00:36:13.700 --> 00:36:21.180
that I work for, I work with Joe Stromberg at the Mises Institute and one of your colleagues

308
00:36:21.180 --> 00:36:27.220
at San Jose State University, Jeffrey Hummel, those are the two leading proponents, I guess,

309
00:36:27.220 --> 00:36:33.140
of this libertarian view that the South, the Confederate loss was attributed to the fact

310
00:36:33.140 --> 00:36:51.940
As I said, this gives us some information about war in general, strategy, and the fact

311
00:36:51.940 --> 00:36:56.140
that economics matters most when fighting a war.

312
00:36:56.140 --> 00:37:06.220
Basically, almost any country can defeat any other country if it uses its resources effectively.

313
00:37:06.220 --> 00:37:11.340
So you can have a very small country defeat a world power.

314
00:37:11.340 --> 00:37:22.140
Afghanistan defeated the Soviet Union, Vietnam defeated the United States, the United States

315
00:37:22.140 --> 00:37:27.900
Defeated Great Britain, the world's largest power at the time.

316
00:37:27.900 --> 00:37:36.900
Trade Policy, the lesson here I think is important and transparent hopefully, but it is that

317
00:37:36.900 --> 00:37:41.860
government direction of trade is not the way to go.

318
00:37:41.860 --> 00:37:58.140
And finally, in politics, political solutions, I think that the lesson to be learned is that

319
00:37:58.140 --> 00:38:06.900
central control is almost always harmful to the goal that you're seeking.

320
00:38:06.900 --> 00:38:10.700
And with that, I'll open up for questions.

321
00:38:10.700 --> 00:38:26.700
You mentioned the three different votes. I didn't catch the dates, and the reason why I'm asking is it's conceivable, since you're saying that there was a voter that captured the country, that last vote made a big swing in the number of people that voted for it.

322
00:38:26.700 --> 00:38:39.700
Was there a big push, showman's march to the sea, or something where a large segment of the South was lost, and that would have influenced the people that were in the position to vote, to vote the way you're saying they voted?

323
00:38:39.700 --> 00:38:51.020
Yes, Sherman was marching on Atlanta, not to the sea at that point. There is a big swing

324
00:38:51.020 --> 00:39:01.260
in the vote. You look at the amendment and it's 2442. You look at the move to reconsider

325
00:39:01.260 --> 00:39:28.340
The end vote is for the legislation itself, whether to pass it or not, it's an all-or-nothing

326
00:39:28.340 --> 00:39:35.100
type of proposition. So you get a lot of funny results in all-or-nothing propositions. And

327
00:39:35.100 --> 00:39:41.180
you do so today in Congress. I mean, that's what I said is that what you see in this process,

328
00:39:41.180 --> 00:39:48.100
you can see today in Congress where a particular party, a particular group, a block of senators

329
00:39:48.100 --> 00:39:54.860
will offer amendments. They'll even offer amendments that they really hate just to try

330
00:39:54.860 --> 00:39:55.860
How to Kill the Bill

331
00:39:55.860 --> 00:40:03.860
Okay, so let's say there's a proposal to increase the minimum wage to $7 an hour and we go in

332
00:40:03.860 --> 00:40:07.860
there and make a proposal to amend it to $17 an hour.

333
00:40:07.860 --> 00:40:16.180
Well, if it got to $17 an hour, we wouldn't be for it, but even Ben wouldn't be for it.

334
00:40:16.180 --> 00:40:24.620
So you can rig the system, that's what's going on.

335
00:40:24.620 --> 00:40:28.020
You can rig the system and that's what they're doing in those first two votes.

336
00:40:28.020 --> 00:40:33.340
But then it comes to the all or nothing choice and almost everybody votes for it except those

337
00:40:33.340 --> 00:40:39.960
eleven hardcore pro-free trade people who had been, I mean they got a score of zero

338
00:40:39.960 --> 00:40:45.140
because they voted the right way all three times.

339
00:40:45.140 --> 00:40:51.740
And you know, you see this in Congress today, you'll be fighting a piece of legislation

340
00:40:51.740 --> 00:40:56.780
And when it comes up for final vote, you'll think, oh, well, you know, I'll vote for

341
00:40:56.780 --> 00:41:01.740
the budget, you know, just so I can say I was on the winning side, or I'd marginally

342
00:41:01.740 --> 00:41:04.700
support that rather than another possible alternative.

343
00:41:04.700 --> 00:41:11.340
So congressional voting, you know, we're pretty sure that it's almost always based on economic

344
00:41:11.340 --> 00:41:16.620
interests or self-interested motivations, but it's a messy process.

345
00:41:16.620 --> 00:41:17.620
Yes?

346
00:41:17.620 --> 00:41:22.620
I'm most interested in voting, especially the fourth vote. You alluded to in a footnote.

347
00:41:22.620 --> 00:41:30.620
The next year they re-voted again and they reversed themselves. So, what happened there and why did you conclude that date in there?

348
00:41:30.620 --> 00:41:35.620
Geez, oh, I've forgotten all about that part. Okay, let's see.

349
00:41:35.620 --> 00:42:00.220
Yes, what happened, what happened in, they reversed it because they were feeling the negative

350
00:42:00.220 --> 00:42:11.500
of Effects, and so there was a combination of the fact that, obviously some congressmen

351
00:42:11.500 --> 00:42:23.900
don't understand economics, landmark point that I made there, they might not understand

352
00:42:23.900 --> 00:42:28.880
their own interest or their own district's interest that well, but once the legislation

353
00:42:28.880 --> 00:42:37.360
is in effect, then all of the costs start to come home and so they acted to overturn

354
00:42:37.360 --> 00:42:44.520
it, but what was it that the president vetoed that, right?

355
00:42:44.520 --> 00:42:48.000
They voted again, but they failed to override.

356
00:42:48.000 --> 00:42:52.960
They failed to override.

357
00:42:52.960 --> 00:42:59.040
Now the reason we didn't do anything with that was not that we left any cards on the

358
00:42:59.040 --> 00:43:00.040
table.

359
00:43:00.040 --> 00:43:06.440
It was because by that time they had already sent the transcriber out with a gun to help

360
00:43:06.440 --> 00:43:12.360
defend Richmond and they were going mostly in secret sessions.

361
00:43:12.360 --> 00:43:20.880
The Confederate Senate almost always met in secret sessions and then they would come up

362
00:43:20.880 --> 00:43:25.840
with the legislation and quickly hand it over to the House to see what their point of view

363
00:43:25.840 --> 00:43:26.840
was.

364
00:43:26.840 --> 00:43:32.080
I wanted to vote it into, because they didn't want a lot of this stuff leaking out about

365
00:43:32.080 --> 00:43:39.240
budgets or call-ups of troops, and so eventually almost everything went into secret sessions

366
00:43:39.240 --> 00:43:48.160
and they would not record a lot of the votes, so we're actually kind of surprised that so

367
00:43:48.160 --> 00:43:53.840
So much of the data is available, so much of the information is available.

368
00:43:53.840 --> 00:43:58.520
The Confederates were really good bureaucrats.

369
00:43:58.520 --> 00:44:05.080
They kept a lot of detailed information, even though they were running out of paper.

370
00:44:05.080 --> 00:44:07.960
But they kept a lot of detailed information.

371
00:44:07.960 --> 00:44:14.080
As a matter of fact, you've heard of the phrase red tape.

372
00:44:14.080 --> 00:44:23.720
Ted Tate actually comes from the Civil War and the Confederate quartermaster, General

373
00:44:23.720 --> 00:44:31.280
something like Irwin Myers, was in charge of requisitioning commodities and equipment

374
00:44:31.280 --> 00:44:35.120
and stuff to the Confederate armies.

375
00:44:35.120 --> 00:44:44.640
And if everything wasn't exactly correct, he would put a piece of high-cost European

376
00:44:44.640 --> 00:44:52.720
red tape on that requisition and that meant it stopped until whoever requested it came

377
00:44:52.720 --> 00:44:56.880
in and started looking for it and filled out the forms correctly.

378
00:44:56.880 --> 00:45:01.840
So the Confederate government, you know, they have this free market, small government, limited

379
00:45:01.840 --> 00:45:06.880
Government Reputation, but they were all, many of them were big government

380
00:45:06.880 --> 00:45:21.080
bureaucrats. Yes, someone who knows trade restrictions for the economy, and I thought that a lot of the southern

381
00:45:21.080 --> 00:45:33.080
I don't think that Congress people would have felt that way or understood those kinds of things because they were always the ones voting against the high tariffs from the Northeast.

382
00:45:33.080 --> 00:45:47.080
Voting for such legislation as this would be voting against victory. Yet you characterize all the Congressmen who vote for the trade legislation as being sincerely pro-victory.

383
00:46:17.080 --> 00:46:21.360
But they were thinking, this is very short-sighted thinking, and they were thinking, you know,

384
00:46:21.360 --> 00:46:26.880
if we can just get those guys running those ships, maybe these ships don't even know

385
00:46:26.880 --> 00:46:30.720
about it, maybe they'll just run in here, violate the regulations and we'll just take

386
00:46:30.720 --> 00:46:36.120
all their property, which is what they would do if you violated the regulations.

387
00:46:36.120 --> 00:46:43.700
If you got caught with any luxury goods, they took your whole boat and everything in it.

388
00:46:43.700 --> 00:46:49.980
So it may have been just a, I don't have any specific information on this, but it may have

389
00:46:49.980 --> 00:46:54.020
been just an effort to steal the stuff that was coming in.

390
00:46:54.020 --> 00:46:55.020
Yes?

391
00:46:55.020 --> 00:47:02.020
I was under the impression that in the Confederate Congress, they didn't actually have a two-party

392
00:47:02.020 --> 00:47:03.020
system.

393
00:47:03.020 --> 00:47:08.020
So I was kind of confused as to how the political scientists are going over or against alluding

394
00:47:08.020 --> 00:47:11.220
to party bonds against the Mexican nation.

395
00:47:11.220 --> 00:47:13.260
That's an excellent point.

396
00:47:13.260 --> 00:47:18.540
In the Confederate Legislature, it was a one-party legislature.

397
00:47:18.540 --> 00:47:26.420
They didn't call themselves Whigs or even Democrats because they were fighting the Whigs

398
00:47:26.420 --> 00:47:30.660
and the former Whigs and the Democrats up north.

399
00:47:30.660 --> 00:47:41.260
And so they basically dropped party labels in the Confederate Congress and they also,

400
00:47:41.260 --> 00:47:48.520
at least on the surface did not organize committees on that basis, but that didn't stop the political

401
00:47:48.520 --> 00:47:53.600
scientists from going back and finding out what party they belonged to before the war

402
00:47:53.600 --> 00:48:03.760
because almost all of these people were politicians prior to the war or were active in politics

403
00:48:03.760 --> 00:48:10.760
in some form or another. So we know what they were before the war. And so they could actually

404
00:48:12.660 --> 00:48:17.660
go back and reconstruct that sort of thing. Lydia?

405
00:49:03.760 --> 00:49:05.760
The Theory of Money and Credit

406
00:49:33.760 --> 00:50:00.760
I'm surprised that the occupations didn't have some correlation with voting. Do you have an explanation for that?

407
00:50:00.760 --> 00:50:12.440
So, we don't normally expect occupation to have much of an effect in the U.S. Congress,

408
00:50:12.440 --> 00:50:20.240
for example, primarily because they're all lawyers, but actually back in this time there

409
00:50:20.240 --> 00:50:28.260
were a good number of lawyers, but there was a fair representation from 8 different professions.

410
00:50:28.260 --> 00:50:37.060
We did see a little bit of evidence that, for example, the finance and banking people were

411
00:50:37.060 --> 00:50:44.760
opposed to the trade restrictions because, of course, trade requires financing and that

412
00:50:44.760 --> 00:50:50.420
sort of thing, and finance people have to have some economic knowledge, so they wouldn't

413
00:50:50.420 --> 00:50:56.740
be fooled and they might be hurt significantly as a result.

414
00:50:56.740 --> 00:51:06.780
As the models changed and brought in more variables, a lot of that would disappear.

415
00:51:06.780 --> 00:51:16.060
You clearly got the sense that certain professions were lined up in a certain direction or another,

416
00:51:16.060 --> 00:51:30.100
But that other variables were stronger, and so slave holding definitely had an impact

417
00:51:30.100 --> 00:51:39.460
which would tie that to farmers, but frankly the results, the econometric results in this

418
00:51:39.460 --> 00:51:46.260
in this area are weak and you see the numbers dancing around between land value farmers

419
00:51:46.260 --> 00:51:53.700
as an occupation, slave holding, slave holding the counties, it's just unstable and I think

420
00:51:53.700 --> 00:51:57.860
that's one of the reasons why the professions get wiped out.

421
00:51:57.860 --> 00:52:05.860
I wonder if there's any relation to how long legislators, I mean the tendency might be

422
00:52:05.860 --> 00:52:27.960
Oh yeah, and this is going on to a very significant degree in the Confederate House.

423
00:52:27.960 --> 00:52:34.400
You have members of the House who are powerful members of the U.S. Congress and they're powerful

424
00:52:34.400 --> 00:52:41.400
of Money, The Theory of Money and State, The Theory of Money and State, The Theory of Money

425
00:53:04.400 --> 00:53:13.400
You mentioned for a Confederate congressman, winning the war was essential. Is there any

426
00:53:13.400 --> 00:53:18.400
relationship between the Bush administration and how they won the vote just this recent

427
00:53:18.400 --> 00:53:23.400
election? Do you see any relationship between these two?

428
00:53:23.400 --> 00:53:39.480
I'd like to. In the case of the Confederate Congress, if they lose the war, they're out

429
00:53:39.480 --> 00:53:45.480
of a job. There's no way, I mean, they'll obviously lose their Confederate House seat

430
00:53:45.480 --> 00:53:49.000
and it's unlikely that their constituents are going to be that pumped up about electing

431
00:54:19.000 --> 00:54:26.640
Any of the ones that were, for example, involved in the original secession, and now with respect

432
00:54:26.640 --> 00:54:39.680
to President Bush, now of course he is now a lame duck president.

433
00:54:39.680 --> 00:54:50.840
With respect to the war in Iraq, there's a little bit of similarity in the sense that

434
00:54:50.840 --> 00:54:58.320
if he wins a war, a president goes down in history as being a great president.

435
00:54:58.320 --> 00:55:05.720
And the more people you kill, the greater the war, the greater you are as a president.

436
00:55:05.720 --> 00:55:13.260
If you lose the war, if Bush loses Iraq, if it gets nasty, and the next guy has to come

437
00:55:13.260 --> 00:55:23.360
in and pull American troops out in bitter defeat, then Bush will go down as a very bad

438
00:55:23.360 --> 00:55:26.480
president.

439
00:55:26.480 --> 00:55:35.280
The only example I can think of is President Johnson, who ramped up the Vietnam War, killed

440
00:55:35.280 --> 00:55:58.280
I was wondering what the voter preference of the confederate had to play in this decision-making process and also the manufacturers of the goods that are being restricted?

441
00:55:58.280 --> 00:56:20.900
Well, voter preferences are very weakly introduced into the model by looking at a few variables

442
00:56:20.900 --> 00:56:24.200
that relate to the congressman's districts.

443
00:56:24.200 --> 00:56:32.560
Whether or not the district was wealthy or poor, whether it was a slave-holding district

444
00:56:32.560 --> 00:56:43.840
or few slaves in the district, those sorts of variables.

445
00:56:43.840 --> 00:56:52.480
The manufacturing in the South during the war was a mess.

446
00:56:52.480 --> 00:56:57.740
Before the war, you could characterize it very easily as manufacturing in the South

447
00:56:57.740 --> 00:57:08.400
was limited and it was most directed at industries that centered around cotton, tobacco, those

448
00:57:08.400 --> 00:57:09.600
sorts of things.

449
00:57:09.600 --> 00:57:12.440
So the processing industries.

450
00:57:12.440 --> 00:57:16.700
So before the war, it's very easy to identify those interests.

451
00:57:16.700 --> 00:57:20.980
During the war, it's very, very difficult because everybody was getting government contracts

452
00:57:20.980 --> 00:57:27.980
I'm sure what your view of an Austrian is regarding account metrics in general and specifically

453
00:57:27.980 --> 00:57:30.980
the ability to work like you've done.

454
00:57:30.980 --> 00:57:33.980
Do you feel like you need a shower?

455
00:57:33.980 --> 00:57:40.980
Well, you know, as an Austrian, I'm not going to say I'm not going to say I'm not going

456
00:57:40.980 --> 00:57:47.980
to say I'm not going to say I'm not going to say I'm not going to say I'm not going

457
00:57:47.980 --> 00:58:07.980
Well, you know, as an Austrian and a member of the Shiite school of the Austrians, the Austrians are against the use of econometrics as a methodological tool.

458
00:58:07.980 --> 00:58:08.980
To do economics.

459
00:58:08.980 --> 00:58:09.980
To do economics.

460
00:58:09.980 --> 00:58:10.980
To find history, right?

461
00:58:10.980 --> 00:58:16.980
No. No. No, they don't even like it as history.

462
00:58:16.980 --> 00:58:23.700
but they view it as history but they don't think it's good history and you

463
00:58:23.700 --> 00:58:31.300
know there's a lot of problems with econometrics besides methodological ones

464
00:58:31.300 --> 00:58:38.380
however you know so in the Austrian School an econometric test doesn't prove

465
00:58:38.380 --> 00:58:43.940
anything it doesn't disprove anything the absence of econometric evidence

466
00:58:43.940 --> 00:58:50.940
doesn't just prove or prove anything in terms of economic theory or the understanding of

467
00:58:50.940 --> 00:59:07.940
economic policy, but it does create for me a plausible empirical story that when you're

468
00:59:07.940 --> 00:59:17.380
You're trying to communicate ideas with economists and you're like a very small percentage of

469
00:59:17.380 --> 00:59:24.020
the economics profession and the economics profession itself is much, much larger and

470
00:59:24.020 --> 00:59:32.420
focuses, pays a lot of attention to econometric analysis, then, you know, if you want to be

471
00:59:32.420 --> 00:59:43.060
In dialogue, then you occasionally do some kind of metrics, and I don't like that, but

472
00:59:43.060 --> 00:59:46.660
it's fun to work with other people too, so, yes, Ben?

473
00:59:46.660 --> 00:59:51.900
Let me push you on defending your own paper, maybe it'll make me a student or a CA, or

474
00:59:51.900 --> 00:59:54.900
even a current, I don't know.

475
00:59:54.900 --> 00:59:59.980
So, it's the story that you're telling, you're not doing what Mises is calling theory, you're

476
00:59:59.980 --> 01:00:09.540
So it seems like econometrics is one of many tools used to do history, and some parts of

477
01:00:09.540 --> 01:00:13.140
history are better suited for econometrics, others are better suited for ethnographic

478
01:00:13.140 --> 01:00:18.380
type things, and econometrics is as methodologically sound as the other type.

479
01:00:18.380 --> 01:00:23.860
So instead of just saying your papers communicate to the other economists, I mean, I think it

480
01:00:23.860 --> 01:00:52.300
I don't know if it's the best technique.

481
01:00:52.300 --> 01:01:01.700
It's the best technique that I know of to deal with all of these numbers simultaneously.

482
01:01:01.700 --> 01:01:10.340
I actually took the entire data set and of all the congressmen, all the individual congressmen

483
01:01:10.340 --> 01:01:17.260
and all of the characteristics and all of the votes and started putting it down on paper.

484
01:01:17.260 --> 01:01:22.960
And this took a long time, but I like eyeballing the data, and I ended up with a sheet of paper

485
01:01:22.960 --> 01:01:29.960
that was like that, it was all taped together.

486
01:01:29.960 --> 01:01:38.660
And the results that I sort of deciphered from just looking at the numbers was very

487
01:01:38.660 --> 01:01:42.920
similar to some of the results that we got with our models.

488
01:01:42.920 --> 01:01:48.920
But it is, that was a very complicated task. I don't actually think that the econometrics

489
01:01:48.920 --> 01:01:57.120
that we have right now with the data that is involved in this study, I think the results

490
01:01:57.120 --> 01:02:02.920
are still very unclear. But they were clear enough on the ones that we were concerned

491
01:02:02.920 --> 01:02:11.200
about which is the invasion variables that we went forward with basically. So, you know,

492
01:02:11.200 --> 01:02:18.600
There is no other technique that deals with numbers systematically at this level, and

493
01:02:18.600 --> 01:02:19.600
...

494
01:02:19.600 --> 01:02:25.160
You could have put it on a map, please.

495
01:02:25.160 --> 01:02:26.160
Done that.

496
01:02:26.160 --> 01:02:28.960
That would have been a really cool start.

497
01:02:28.960 --> 01:02:34.080
Yeah, it gets really complicated though, but I've done that, put them on maps, economic

498
01:02:34.080 --> 01:02:37.240
geography maps behind them, the whole nine yards.

499
01:02:37.240 --> 01:02:38.240
Yes?

500
01:02:38.240 --> 01:02:46.240
Since you watched their votes, a lot of them were in the Congress of the United States when they seceded.

501
01:02:46.240 --> 01:02:55.240
Now, there was an agricultural area and their vote would have hinged, whether they were conservative or liberal, on their background.

502
01:02:55.240 --> 01:03:05.240
When they switched and went to the South as a separate country, did their voting attitude or the way they voted, is there any correlation to how they changed it?

503
01:03:05.240 --> 01:03:12.240
I can very easily see them voting one way here and voting the other way when they were a separate country.

504
01:03:12.240 --> 01:03:19.240
They were voting for less agricultural taxes when they went home. They voted for big taxes.

505
01:03:19.240 --> 01:03:25.240
Actually, we did not study that particular issue, but that issue has been studied.

506
01:03:25.240 --> 01:03:34.240
What they have found is that there's pretty good cohesion between what you were before the war

507
01:03:34.240 --> 01:03:42.240
and what you did after the war. That is, if you accept econometric results. Just kidding.

508
01:03:43.760 --> 01:03:48.160
Yes, Ben. All right, so I'll ask you a non-econometric question. Okay. Actually,

509
01:03:48.160 --> 01:03:53.040
more of a geography support question. Okay. And the way you break up the day is you use

510
01:03:53.680 --> 01:03:58.400
Union controlled districts and districts that aren't contiguous with the rest of the Confederacy

511
01:04:28.400 --> 01:04:33.400
should be counted like the rest of the Confederacy since they're on the ocean and there aren't really these effects?

512
01:04:33.400 --> 01:04:38.400
Or were there no ports in Texas or New Orleans, the last big port? I don't know that.

513
01:04:38.400 --> 01:04:42.400
Tell me why they can be counted as a program.

514
01:04:58.400 --> 01:05:04.680
Well, you basically have the Mississippi River being controlled by the Union.

515
01:05:04.680 --> 01:05:12.740
You have Union gunboats and Union Army, and the Union Army is going out there and capturing

516
01:05:12.740 --> 01:05:17.080
the most fertile, cotton-growing area in the world.

517
01:05:17.080 --> 01:05:22.840
But that makes it very difficult to cross from West to East Confederacy.

518
01:05:22.840 --> 01:05:23.840
They did it.

519
01:05:23.840 --> 01:05:32.280
They actually, there was trade from west to east, but government communication was highly

520
01:05:32.280 --> 01:05:33.280
disrupted.

521
01:05:33.280 --> 01:05:41.000
It was very difficult to move armies, equipment, and bureaucratic type stuff from one part

522
01:05:41.000 --> 01:05:42.000
to another.

523
01:05:42.000 --> 01:05:48.880
So, for example, when they had the Monetary Revaluation Act, that went into effect at

524
01:05:48.880 --> 01:05:54.680
at a date certain in the East, and then I think three months later in the West.

525
01:05:54.680 --> 01:06:00.360
So there was that much of a delay in getting from East to West.

526
01:06:00.360 --> 01:06:05.580
And that was just basically moving the paper, you know, a few boxes of paper money over

527
01:06:05.580 --> 01:06:10.560
and getting the Western banks to exchange.

528
01:06:10.560 --> 01:06:21.740
The western government of the Confederacy was at this time basically in disarray and most

529
01:06:21.740 --> 01:06:31.160
of the customs officials and that sort of thing had been moved out of Texas because

530
01:06:31.160 --> 01:06:41.540
Galveston was, Galveston Island had actually been taken and the port had even before that

531
01:06:41.540 --> 01:06:48.380
had been effectively blockaded and the port at Metamortis down by the Mexican border was

532
01:06:48.380 --> 01:06:51.860
also effectively completely blockaded.

533
01:06:51.860 --> 01:07:01.820
So there wasn't really much except small craft blockade running out of the western confederacy.

534
01:07:01.820 --> 01:07:10.660
Now they enacted the legislation but towards the end of the war the western army of the

535
01:07:10.660 --> 01:07:13.980
confederacy actually attacked Galveston.

536
01:07:13.980 --> 01:07:22.100
They stole some boats and some cotton up the river in Houston and they strapped the cotton

537
01:07:22.100 --> 01:07:32.940
onto these rafts and went to Galveston and because they had these huge cotton bales all

538
01:07:32.940 --> 01:07:37.060
around the boats, the Union cannon fire didn't hurt them.

539
01:07:37.060 --> 01:07:42.580
And so they successfully invaded Galveston and took it back over again.

540
01:07:42.580 --> 01:07:48.180
And they destroyed enough ships, I think, so that the blockade was actually open for

541
01:07:48.180 --> 01:07:49.180
a little bit.

542
01:07:49.180 --> 01:07:50.820
But that was after the legislation.

543
01:07:50.820 --> 01:07:58.100
So we added it all up and we basically said, you know, this legislation really didn't affect

544
01:07:58.100 --> 01:08:02.140
the western part of the Confederacy.

545
01:08:02.140 --> 01:08:08.580
Arkansas completely out of Confederate hands.

546
01:08:08.580 --> 01:08:18.860
Louisiana completely in Union hands, completely in Union hands, so that we didn't really see

547
01:08:18.860 --> 01:08:24.940
any way that they could have an effect, that any effect would be coming from the Union economy,

548
01:08:24.940 --> 01:08:26.940
not the Confederate legislation.

549
01:08:26.940 --> 01:08:29.940
Like the Western states were basically self-sufficient?

550
01:08:29.940 --> 01:08:32.940
Self-sufficient, yeah, pretty much, pretty much.

551
01:08:32.940 --> 01:08:39.380
Yeah, you said that, you know, essentially you concluded that the blockade, you know,

552
01:08:39.380 --> 01:08:42.820
caused some bad policy on the part of the Confederacy, which caused them to lose the

553
01:08:42.820 --> 01:08:43.820
war.

554
01:08:43.820 --> 01:08:44.820
Yeah.

555
01:08:44.820 --> 01:08:45.820
Couldn't you make, like, a similar argument for a lot of other cases that caused them

556
01:08:45.820 --> 01:08:46.820
to lose the war?

557
01:08:46.820 --> 01:08:47.820
I mean, for example, like, the lack of Europeans' intervention.

558
01:08:47.820 --> 01:08:48.820
Mm-hmm.

559
01:08:48.820 --> 01:08:49.820
I mean, would that be a...

560
01:08:49.820 --> 01:08:50.820
I mean, how do you think that plays into it?

561
01:08:50.820 --> 01:08:51.820
I mean, was that a reasonable thing for them to assume might happen?

562
01:08:51.820 --> 01:08:52.820
Did it work out that way, or is it...

563
01:08:52.820 --> 01:08:53.820
Well...

564
01:08:53.820 --> 01:09:09.720
Well, that is, you're absolutely right, I mean, there are a thousand and one reasons

565
01:09:09.720 --> 01:09:16.680
why the Confederacy lost, and if any one of those had gone the other way, they might have

566
01:09:16.680 --> 01:09:17.680
won.

567
01:09:17.680 --> 01:09:22.560
And I'm not really, of course, looking at this issue because we're going to try to restart

568
01:09:22.560 --> 01:09:27.880
the Civil War or something like that. I mean, we're not trying to replay it here, but your

569
01:09:27.880 --> 01:09:37.560
point is absolutely valid. Historians now think that the King Cotton policy of waiting

570
01:09:37.560 --> 01:09:50.600
for European intervention was wrong-headed and probably more of a story than their actual

571
01:09:50.600 --> 01:09:54.360
and Social Strategy.

572
01:09:54.360 --> 01:09:59.400
But like you say, you could dismiss a thousand things and you'd still have a number of things

573
01:09:59.400 --> 01:10:04.480
left over that were important, battles that could have been won, messages that could have

574
01:10:04.480 --> 01:10:12.720
been lost or not lost, soldiers or generals who were killed because a cannonball ripped

575
01:10:12.720 --> 01:10:18.640
off their big toe and they bled to death, there's so many of those things.

576
01:10:18.640 --> 01:10:24.800
But I guess it's just the economist instinct when you have, when you wash out all these

577
01:10:24.800 --> 01:10:29.220
things north and south and you have these more or less identical and balanced military

578
01:10:29.220 --> 01:10:37.260
forces and economies and then you have this one separate issue where they both differ

579
01:10:37.260 --> 01:10:48.200
so which is the blockade and the blockade running and trade is so vital to the Confederate

580
01:10:48.200 --> 01:10:57.200
Cause. That's why our noses are sniffing and snooping in that direction. Yes.

581
01:10:57.200 --> 01:11:08.200
In 1923, you had the Gettysburg, which was basically an unlawful division for the war of slavery.

582
01:11:08.200 --> 01:11:16.200
But by enacting the blockades, the South pretty much cornered themselves and isolated themselves because they weren't trading.

583
01:11:16.200 --> 01:11:21.200
And as part of that, you can't say, well, yeah, they say it's about slavery. This is about trading.

584
01:11:21.200 --> 01:11:24.200
We're trying to trade with you. We're here in Europe. We're trying to get money.

585
01:11:24.200 --> 01:11:29.560
Money, you know, and they're blockading us, you know, we're trying to reach out to them

586
01:11:29.560 --> 01:11:30.560
on the scene.

587
01:11:30.560 --> 01:11:36.000
So I think that, Ryan, I think that was his commission, they pretty much build their own

588
01:11:36.000 --> 01:11:37.000
thing.

589
01:11:37.000 --> 01:11:44.400
Yeah, well we argue in the book that the secession and the war itself were about international

590
01:11:44.400 --> 01:11:48.700
trade and tariff policy and all that kind of stuff, with the South wanting free trade

591
01:11:48.700 --> 01:12:00.200
and the North Wanting Protectionism and High Tariffs.

592
01:12:00.200 --> 01:12:03.380
It is perplexing.

593
01:12:03.380 --> 01:12:07.900
Why would a free trade group enact all of this stupid policy?

594
01:12:07.900 --> 01:12:14.900
Believe me, that's just the beginning of the stupid policies that they enacted.

595
01:12:14.900 --> 01:12:23.240
That's why I think you need extraordinary reasons for those types of maneuvers.

596
01:12:23.240 --> 01:12:27.480
You can't just say, oh, they kind of got tired of things, or they got desperate, or their

597
01:12:27.480 --> 01:12:29.400
ideology shifted, that kind of thing.

598
01:12:29.400 --> 01:12:30.400
It's got to be something big.

599
01:12:30.400 --> 01:12:31.400
Lydia.

600
01:12:31.400 --> 01:12:36.400
There's a little bit, and I don't know if I hit you very well, kind of an egg thing

601
01:12:36.400 --> 01:12:45.880
I'm not quite sure about, because there are benefits to trade and having that trade come

602
01:12:45.880 --> 01:12:50.200
through and carrying whatever they're going to carry, those benefits accrue to them to

603
01:12:50.200 --> 01:12:55.200
the extent that they can keep the resources that come on those ships in the South and

604
01:12:55.200 --> 01:12:57.200
use them for the purposes of the South.

605
01:12:57.200 --> 01:13:03.000
You're arguing that to the extent that people who are overtaken by the unions don't carry

606
01:13:03.000 --> 01:13:11.000
or because all those resources, if they can be commandeered by the Union soldiers, we don't want them to come in, right?

607
01:13:11.000 --> 01:13:19.000
That trade is not benefiting the South. If it gets misdirected, if it gets, you know, who has the money to buy the stuff that's coming off the boat to some extent?

608
01:13:19.000 --> 01:13:24.000
It's now going to be the people that are so much closer to you in the North.

609
01:13:24.000 --> 01:13:41.000
and so blocking trade might not be the signal that they put their foot in the grave and ended the war, but the fact that the war was ending and they had lost control of the resources that were coming in, so why let them go to the union?

610
01:13:41.000 --> 01:13:44.000
I don't know if there's any counter-evidence in terms of...

611
01:13:44.000 --> 01:13:47.000
So the 11 people who press reporting it,

612
01:13:47.000 --> 01:13:51.000
what kind of system do they have to control the trade that's coming in?

613
01:13:51.000 --> 01:13:54.000
If they could keep those resources in their hands,

614
01:13:54.000 --> 01:13:58.000
then I could see why they still want to support the over trade.

615
01:13:58.000 --> 01:14:05.000
Yeah, the Confederates had lost trade and the control over trade

616
01:14:05.000 --> 01:14:09.000
in the sense that their other major ports

617
01:14:09.000 --> 01:14:18.040
The Confederates, they were all effectively closed down by the Union except one and both

618
01:14:18.040 --> 01:14:25.240
the Union and the Confederates stopped even monitoring the minor ports.

619
01:14:25.240 --> 01:14:32.620
So the minor ports were costing the Confederates more to monitor than they were taking in revenues.

620
01:14:32.620 --> 01:14:39.380
So they just gave those customs guys a rifle and said, you know, go, you're in unit X.

621
01:14:39.380 --> 01:14:46.340
And so there were all these minor ports that were unmonitored by both sides and the major

622
01:14:46.340 --> 01:14:55.420
ones were all shut off except one, Port Fisher in North Carolina so that by and large the

623
01:14:55.420 --> 01:15:02.660
The business was all going from the Bahamas and Bermuda to Wilmington to Richmond to the

624
01:15:02.660 --> 01:15:09.220
Army of Northern Virginia. Probably 50% of all trade was going in that direction and the

625
01:15:09.220 --> 01:15:22.140
biggest other chunk was crossing where? Between the North and the South. The Confederates

626
01:15:22.140 --> 01:15:32.320
In the Union, governments were the two biggest traders between themselves in the war. The

627
01:15:32.320 --> 01:15:42.780
Confederates were trading a pound of cotton for a pound of beef. Kind of interesting because

628
01:15:42.780 --> 01:15:51.640
the North needed cotton just as much as the South needed meat because they needed clothes.

629
01:15:51.640 --> 01:15:54.840
You can't grow, I'm from the north and you can't grow cotton up there, I can tell you

630
01:15:54.840 --> 01:15:55.840
that.

631
01:15:55.840 --> 01:15:56.840
Alright, well thank you.
