WEBVTT

NOTE Introduction to Economics: Part 3

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The consumers want to purchase more than is available.

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So there's 300,000 pounds available.

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The consumers want to purchase 500,000 pounds.

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And suddenly it disappears in their shelf.

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You can expect it to last a couple of days.

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By 10 in the morning, it's gone.

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That's the so-called shortage.

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So what happens in the market is the shortage disappears very quickly.

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The businessmen say, hey, it's going very rapidly.

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I can raise the price.

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And as they raise the price, the shortage begins to disappear.

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Finally, they back up.

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It's a equilibrium point.

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And this is very fast, and again, because of the motivation, if a price is free to move,

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the motivation is to make profits and avoid losses.

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And you get to the price which clears the market, and the supply and demand are exactly equal.

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Where people want, say, 200,000, 300,000 pounds of features available, people want to buy 300,000 pounds.

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Exact clearance of the market. Supply and demand are equilibrated.

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One of the reasons that we're equilibrium.

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And the higher price, the higher the rate of demand,

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so you have the surplus.

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The lower price, the higher the rate of the supply,

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so you have a shortage.

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And what the free price movement does

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is wipes out short surpluses and shortages

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as soon as they appear.

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You never have on a free market anything

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like a permanent surplus or a permanent shortage,

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Anything beyond a couple of days is pretty quick.

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If you do have a permanent or several permanent shortage,

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the government is always in there interfering with it.

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I am the block.

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All right, so this is sort of an orthodox economist

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have a similar approach here, except if you notice

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that this black area is vertical.

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The orthodox textbook approaches black areas forward slowly.

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Oh, my god.

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Turn it back.

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The Austrian view is the cycle with verticals, who are dealing with a day-to-day situation.

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How much is there, and how much are people's, how much is there in the supply,

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how much are people evaluating, and what way are people evaluating their value scales as to demand.

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So you have, in other words, things around, resources, goods, various stages of production,

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and people evaluating those things.

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Demand and supply, interactive.

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And these are the only two things that are going to affect price and supply and demand.

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And again, go, I think, rapidly through these things.

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Oh, another reason for the word equilibrium is an analogy of physics and physical science

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is where an equilibrium is something which tends to move toward and tends to go back

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and go back to it if it's displaced from it because it doesn't stay in this particular spot and go back to it if it's displaced.

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So then the question is, and the next question is, is we observe the prices change all the time.

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How come prices change? Why don't they fix? Why don't they stay frozen forever at this equilibrium point?

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Obviously because, and only because, either demand changes or supply changes are both.

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So these are the two ways in which prices can change.

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Okay, then we have the familiar thing.

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I guess everybody knows this, but at any rate, I'll zip through it.

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Stop me if you want to inject any comment or anything.

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Let's say the famous case I always think of.

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Every few years the coffee freezes in Brazil, a big frost, a coffee crop is destroyed or something, half of it disappears.

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This happened about five years ago, and then there's a big drop in the supply of coffee coming in.

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So the supply curve shifts to the left.

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So this means that the old market clearing, let's see, before the last frost, the price of coffee is something like a dollar a pound, something like that.

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That was the market clearing price before the force. Then the force comes and wipes out at the profit problem.

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These are the old prices that don't have market clearing because now the demand is very much greater than supply.

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Shortage develops and therefore the price zips up to clear it.

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As it clears it, you wind up with a higher equilibrium price.

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Another thing that shows is how price performs a so-called rationing function.

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In other words, there's only a little amount, everything is scarce, there's not enough coffee for everybody to drink 10 cups of coffee every day in the world.

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And so, somehow it has to be allocated. Somebody's going to get the coffee, somebody isn't.

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Somebody's going to get a certain amount. How is it allocated?

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The free market allocates it based on individual choices, preferences.

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As the supply drops from a million pounds to four feet or five hundred thousand, whatever it was,

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it's like cut in half, there's two ways of allocating the scarce supply.

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You have a government rationing committee, you know, so you, you and you can only drink half of what you drank before.

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If you drink more than half, if you still drink the same amount, we shoot you, or whatever, you know, more than equivalent.

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That's one way to do it, totalitarian, evil, inefficient, everything.

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The free market is allocated smoothly and harmoniously, with each individual assigning his or her own basis.

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As the coffee price starts going up, those people who love coffee will keep either buying the same amount or cut their purchases a little bit.

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Others, you know, coffee is sort of marginal. They say, how about I'm shifting to tea, or shifting to cocoa, or Pepsi, or whatever.

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And that's exactly what happened, by the way.

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I think in the last coffee for us, people started shifting massively, massively wind up with this kind of higher, lower supply allocated very smoothly to each individual choices at a higher price.

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Conversely, as the pie goes up, due to a better fertilizer or whatever, better agricultural techniques,

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In an opposite situation, the old market theory of price is now a surplus.

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People don't want to buy that much coffee, or whatever.

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And so in order to induce them to buy more, you have to cut the price.

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And if you cut the price, why not lower the price?

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So this accounts for price changes on the supply side.

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In a free market economy, a capitalist economy, usually the tendency is, for most businesses, is an increase in supply.

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saw a little bit of a lot. So the tendency is toward falling prices, and for example in the 19th century, which was the great century of the Industrial Revolution, prices fell all the time except during wartime, and why it rose during wartime is another story we'll get to that this evening.

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The point is, without any interruptions or exogenous forces coming from the government, prices tend to fall.

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Dramatic examples are TV, calculators and computers.

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I was going to say personal computers.

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Yeah, go on, because I know less about personal computers than anybody in Rome, probably.

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It's unbelievable, they keep falling every day.

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The enormous supply increases, productivity increases, the whole thing just explodes.

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I remember a lower tech example is, when did the hand calculators come out? About 12 years ago or something?

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Well, that's 10 years ago.

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Oh yeah, that's 10 years ago. 12 years ago.

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So I teach at the engineering university, something like this I guess.

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And a friend of mine, on the EE department, electrical engineering department, ran it in the elevator.

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Even though we were high tech, we called ourselves the Engineering Center of Excellence.

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The elevators never work.

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Why didn't you have a field trip or something to fix the damn elevator?

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This is of course too low for them. That's done by other low types.

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And when they do work, they're very, very slow.

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Well, you go off seven floors, it takes about ten minutes, you have time for a long nightly conversation in the elevator.

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So one of those guys in the elevator says, look, I got this magic thing.

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It's a fantastically new product, and since I know the vice president of this firm, I have a first copy or whatever.

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It's this magic thing, you hold it in your hand, you press the dots and so the buttons, it multiplies and divides like that, fantastic.

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That's only $400.

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So now we have a much better account of this for $18.

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______ 15, but the features have increased.

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Yeah, right, quality goes up. Of course, again this is homogenous in a sense. You have to consider the unit quality.

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You can do it with a very different measure of quality obviously. You have to consider if you're comparing prices over time,

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consider the price per unit quality. And if the calculator is still $18 a day, but you have a much better calculator,

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there's a really much lower price per unit quality in the calculator. It's TB sets, another example, lower tech, older example.

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For example, TV sets first came out in 1949, they were $2,000, $7,000 or $8,000 in current money or something, for a crummy set, you couldn't see anything, murky, of course black and white, but also very murky and shadowy and only about two programs on anyway.

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And also, the first family, one family in each neighborhood had it, so everybody pooped in every night and watched a little brawl or something.

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So now you have a situation where you have color telephysology that's for 200 or 300, much infinitely better quality, unbelievable, with cable and everything, you can see everything, it's fantastic.

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Plus lots of programs with 45 channels or whatever, plus everybody's got about 8 TV sets, including one on the bathroom, just watch TV and everything else.

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So even people who are certified below the property level are most fair, lots of TV sets.

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So, I mean, it shows, again, what happens with mass production, tendency to lower prices.

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Isn't that beautiful?

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Yeah.

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So, at any rate, that, so a question you might ask, why do prices keep going up?

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In general, let's, I say tonight, we get to the micro part of it.

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OK, so one other thing here is that where does cost come in this whole thing?

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The usual doctrine of businessmen, a lot of businessmen, a lot of late persons say that prices are determined by cost in production.

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This was the Smith and Ricardo basically, so that Marshall and the standard British classical economics and neoclassical coming down in the 1930s or so.

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If costs are higher, prices will be higher vice versa.

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And where's the cost in here?

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You've already gotten the analysis.

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I haven't spoken about the times we've shifted in demand.

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I forgot that, but it's pretty clear that if the demand increases,

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you have an increased price or something.

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If the demand drops, you have a lower price.

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And this, by the way, determines these future resources.

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I should get into that before I get to costs.

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If given the money supply, the man can only, if somebody's out there printing money all the time, which is what's happening in real life, then all demand curves will rise, because everybody's got more money in their pocket, and so every person will pay more money for the same, will buy more at a given price.

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So you have a general floating upward demand curves.

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Aside from that, without that entering a picture, if the amount of money is fixed,

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you don't have this constant printing money, people have a certain amount of income,

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if they buy more on one thing, they have to buy less on something else,

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so demand curves will tend to shift around, and according to consumer preferences and values,

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which change, you know, unpredictably, anyway, so.

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The standard example back in the 1930s was that people shift from pork to beef

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So they get more affluent, which is still true.

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Somehow pork is considered low-type.

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And so it's like those people get higher living standards.

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They tend to shift from pork to beef.

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They have a portion, and then they buy shifts.

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So then you have the pork market to beef market.

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And then, that one or any moral condemnation or food

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And what you have initially is a demand meaning how much people pay them to give them the price.

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Nobody knows exactly what it is, by the way. It's another key point that Austrian always make.

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The textbooks always say, here's the man curve, here's the cost curve, and you grind out how much will be produced, and nobody knows what they are in the real world.

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Businessmen and entrepreneurs, in the uncertain world of entrepreneurship, try to estimate, try to find out what the man curve is and what the costs are.

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It's one of the key differences between Austrian economics and the Maurrasians, who are now dominating the economics profession.

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And it says there on the textbooks, given the demand curve, given the cost curve, this isn't how much will be produced in generally the Ludwig you haven't gotten to yet.

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But the point is, given the whom, nobody knows it, it's not given at all.

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The market is a process of trying to find out what's going on, and hopefully learning and adjusting the changes and so forth and so on.

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It's a very, very different kind of approach.

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OK, so then there's a higher price for beef and a lower price for pork, initially, in reaction, because, again, at the old price, people don't want to buy as much pork, surplus piles up, so the price has to fall, so people will be induced to buy the same amount of pork as they did before.

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The beef market, again, more people want to buy beef at any given price, so the price of beef has to go up to eliminate this transitory shortage.

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Other more modern examples, since World War II, there's been a big shift in consumer preference from red wine to white wine.

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California wine, enormous shift, so that the, part of these California wines are not very big because California reds are not too hot, California whites are just as good as French whites, so as the, as preferences shifted from red to white, the old age, you're only supposed to drink white with fish and chicken, now people drink white with everything, so that means the California whites don't become very big, so the demand curve for white wine goes up, the demand curve for red wine goes down, also it's happened with the tremendous shift in alcohol preferences,

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This is out of bourbon, for example, into vodka.

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So 1940 already back vodka, except for a few Russian emigres.

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And nowadays, vodka is enormous.

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So there's a big shift.

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And they're both the same toward the so-called lightness.

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I guess heavy drinks until the light breaks.

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So again, you have an increase in the mangrove for vodka,

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the mangrove for bourbon.

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Now, what happens then, and this brings us

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out of production, driving away the lightness.

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So far, I've been talking about the given supply line,

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how much is available.

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If we haven't talked about yet, who decides how much is going to be available?

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Who decides there's going to be 200,000 pounds of peaches today?

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Or a million loaves of Wonder Bread, or whatever?

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Well, producers have decided, you know, five years ago, two years ago,

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ten years ago, depending on what kind of technology and how long it takes to produce stuff.

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They decide on the basis of expectations, expected demand, what they think the demand will be,

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what they think the price will be, what they think the cost will be.

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Sometimes they're right, sometimes they're wrong.

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Those who are right make profits, those who are wrong suffer losses.

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So, what happens here is that the case of, let's say, red wine and white wine, it's more interesting if we're going to be...

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Here, there's the white people, and they say, well, you know, they see that there's a big increase in the amount of white wine, drop in the amount of red wine.

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They have to figure out whether it's going to be permanent or not.

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Is it transitory? Will it only last a couple of months because, I don't know, Kennedy likes white wine or whatever?

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They have to make a decision whether it will be semi-permanent or transitory.

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They make the decision, let's say the science will be permanent, they turn out to be right,

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they start retooling, if they're smart, if they will be able to survive.

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They start increasing the production of white wine and reducing the production of red wine,

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or increasing the production of beef, reducing the production of pork.

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Fork

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A different technological unit, so some things take two weeks to be tooled, some things take

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ten years, it depends on what you're producing.

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But what happens is over time you'll have an increase in the shift of the supply line

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to the right here.

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The response of the higher profits expected to be made because of the increased demand

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wind up with something like this.

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So in the long run you wind up with a price somewhere in between and greater production

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of white wine.

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And the red line starts shifting out of it as the supply lines keep going to the left.

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You wind up somewhere in between over here.

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And this is a long-run response to changes in demand.

208
00:18:14.580 --> 00:18:19.020
So what happens is that this indicates one thing, for example,

209
00:18:19.020 --> 00:18:23.340
how production is the response of the anticipator, expected demand, or consumer.

210
00:18:23.340 --> 00:18:25.700
The consumer is the driver of the engine.

211
00:18:25.700 --> 00:18:30.500
Producers are very anxious to figure out what consumers are going to buy next year, 10 years from now, whatever.

212
00:18:30.500 --> 00:18:36.800
And they move into the situation, if they think consumers are the one that will want white wine heavily, they'll move into that, they'll move out of red wine.

213
00:18:36.800 --> 00:18:42.600
If they're mistaken, they lose money. If they're correct, they make money, make profits, and lose money if they don't.

214
00:18:42.600 --> 00:18:47.600
Usually on the market, entrepreneurs tend to be pretty good at it, because otherwise they go bankrupt and drop out.

215
00:18:47.600 --> 00:18:52.100
It's a sort of law of survival of the fittest. So if you're...

216
00:18:52.100 --> 00:19:04.100
It doesn't necessarily happen, sometimes we make a lot of boo-boos, but basically, the tendency is for successful forecasters and entrepreneurs to do well and they might remain in the market and for unsuccessful ones to drop out.

217
00:19:04.100 --> 00:19:19.100
At any rate, if you take the locus of any given shift in demand, hypothetically, take this intersection, the lower right intersection, and you'll get a line like that.

218
00:19:19.100 --> 00:19:24.100
This is the textbook supply curve, forward-sloping supply curve.

219
00:19:24.100 --> 00:19:28.100
The reason why Austrianists stress the vertical supply curve is because the longer supply curve is totally different.

220
00:19:28.100 --> 00:19:34.100
It doesn't belong in the same diagram, because time is involved here.

221
00:19:34.100 --> 00:19:37.100
It needs three dimensions.

222
00:19:37.100 --> 00:19:40.100
There are different things, like apples and peaches.

223
00:19:40.100 --> 00:19:43.100
The demand curve is instantaneous. It's a freeze-frame situation.

224
00:19:43.100 --> 00:19:48.100
At any given day, how much will be bought at different prices?

225
00:19:48.100 --> 00:19:50.780
And nobody knows exactly what they are, but we do know it's falling, that's what we know.

226
00:19:50.780 --> 00:19:55.820
We know that people, consumers, buy less at a higher price and more at a lower price.

227
00:19:55.820 --> 00:20:00.140
Supply curve at any given day is instantaneous, there it is, the stuff is there, 300,000 features.

228
00:20:00.140 --> 00:20:05.980
Over the long run, this is how much will be evoked for the man curve to keep shifting,

229
00:20:05.980 --> 00:20:13.340
and prices such and such is how much will be supplied in the long run by white line manufacturers, vice versa.

230
00:20:13.340 --> 00:20:20.620
So that's, and this thing is philosophically sloppy too,

231
00:20:20.620 --> 00:20:22.260
that forward sloping, backward sloping.

232
00:20:22.260 --> 00:20:24.180
Two different things involved, see,

233
00:20:24.180 --> 00:20:26.140
the Austrian position focuses on the,

234
00:20:26.140 --> 00:20:28.540
not only does it have the correct axes

235
00:20:28.540 --> 00:20:30.580
for the correct time period,

236
00:20:30.580 --> 00:20:32.420
the Austrian position focuses on people

237
00:20:32.420 --> 00:20:35.980
subjectively evaluating goods and services

238
00:20:35.980 --> 00:20:38.220
which are there, ready for sale.

239
00:20:38.220 --> 00:20:39.740
This thing focuses on really nothing,

240
00:20:39.740 --> 00:20:41.100
so it doesn't focus on any of that.

241
00:20:41.100 --> 00:20:42.780
It becomes mechanical, it becomes mechanistic,

242
00:20:42.780 --> 00:20:45.940
I'm just removed from actual action.

243
00:20:45.940 --> 00:20:49.780
So that's the name of it.

244
00:20:49.780 --> 00:20:51.100
I've been talking about it for an hour now.

245
00:20:51.100 --> 00:20:52.560
Anybody have any comments or questions?

246
00:20:52.560 --> 00:20:55.060
Yeah, I was just sort of glancing at your book,

247
00:20:55.060 --> 00:20:58.060
and you have a vertical supply curve diagram.

248
00:20:58.060 --> 00:21:02.780
Right next, you have a positive supply curve diagram.

249
00:21:02.780 --> 00:21:04.420
We have a lot of-

250
00:21:04.420 --> 00:21:05.820
That's the locus.

251
00:21:05.820 --> 00:21:08.140
We have a whole bunch of little ones.

252
00:21:08.140 --> 00:21:09.780
But that's useful, too.

253
00:21:09.780 --> 00:21:10.460
It's just a different-

254
00:21:10.460 --> 00:21:12.100
Yeah, it's useful to show that, yeah,

255
00:21:12.100 --> 00:21:18.100
If you pay a higher price, you'll get more in the long run. More will be produced in the long run.

256
00:21:18.100 --> 00:21:23.100
It's not two or four for Rembrandts. That's why Rembrandts are fixed, frozen forever.

257
00:21:23.100 --> 00:21:30.100
Nobody produces any more Rembrandts. Rembrandts are dead. Unless you have a perfect forger.

258
00:21:30.100 --> 00:21:40.100
One of the other faults of that type is that the demand curve crosses the supply curve, mislabeled as the supply curve.

259
00:21:40.100 --> 00:21:50.100
It doesn't allow for the different situations that you find in some markets that are much more volatile.

260
00:21:50.100 --> 00:21:55.100
In a lot of things, you have other ways that the price is determined.

261
00:21:55.100 --> 00:22:13.100
The main thing is you have unique items. And in a unique item, if I don't have any great time preference, an upper bound on what I'm willing to pay is what I think I could produce another item for given time of the same sort.

262
00:22:13.100 --> 00:22:30.100
The lower bound on what I'm willing to pay is my value of a nice return over future value, present value of future cash flow given the savings I have given to everybody by an apartment building.

263
00:22:30.100 --> 00:22:37.100
I'm probably unwilling to pay more than what I think I could put a similar apartment building up for.

264
00:22:37.100 --> 00:22:47.100
On the other hand, I'm at least willing to pay a price that the cash flow will give me a, say, 20% return on my money, so I have some balance on it.

265
00:22:47.100 --> 00:22:59.100
And then I also look at what similar credit abilities have been bought for, but I think there's other measures of what you're willing to buy and pay.

266
00:22:59.100 --> 00:23:17.500
Most of these things that you're talking about, the red wine, white wine, the beef, pork, are fairly non-business-like decisions.

267
00:23:17.500 --> 00:23:26.300
They're decisions, what do I do with my money? I've got to eat some tonight, so let's flip a coin. Who cares whether I eat beef or pork? It's just sort of...

268
00:23:26.300 --> 00:23:33.700
There are decisions that are made on the sort of spur-of-the-moment thing.

269
00:23:33.700 --> 00:23:36.140
Why the spur-of-the-moment? It might be or might not.

270
00:23:36.140 --> 00:23:41.740
Well, it's maybe from the aspect of the consumer, but certainly not from the aspect of the seller or the producer or the port.

271
00:23:41.740 --> 00:23:42.980
You've got to anticipate.

272
00:23:42.980 --> 00:24:06.980
The demand, the swing is seems to me, right now, over the long run, I would hope that if the producers are rationing, then the price of production does, in a sense, determine the supply.

273
00:24:06.980 --> 00:24:35.980
One other point that really bothered me. Why did you say that Austrian economists aren't valuable to business, or that there aren't jobs for them in business. It seems to me that what business should want is a rational view of the world.

274
00:24:35.980 --> 00:24:47.980
and two of the best possible tools that they can have for predicting future events.

275
00:24:47.980 --> 00:24:56.980
And if your view of the world is correct, then presumably it is also better than other views of the world

276
00:24:56.980 --> 00:25:00.980
of predicting future events, therefore you should be valuable to this.

277
00:25:00.980 --> 00:25:05.980
more so than somebody that's incorrect and badly bad.

278
00:25:05.980 --> 00:25:09.980
But economists can say, and economics, a few more economists can say the following.

279
00:25:09.980 --> 00:25:13.980
If the demand for white wine goes up, such things will happen.

280
00:25:13.980 --> 00:25:17.980
Price will go up and then more people, if entrepreneurs anticipate it

281
00:25:17.980 --> 00:25:21.980
and they think it's permanent and it is permanent, there will be more production.

282
00:25:21.980 --> 00:25:23.980
But we don't know what the white wine price is.

283
00:25:23.980 --> 00:25:25.980
We don't have to think about the demand for white wine.

284
00:25:25.980 --> 00:25:32.780
We have a formal set of tools here, and I don't think the entrepreneur needs that.

285
00:25:32.780 --> 00:25:40.280
I mean, he knows that in a stick of land anyway, he knows that if people pay more for it, he won't be more profitable going into it.

286
00:25:40.280 --> 00:25:44.480
What we're doing is essentially analyzing individual actions and entrepreneurial action.

287
00:25:44.480 --> 00:25:49.980
The Austrian economists are now invaluable in the sense of the business map because of government intervention.

288
00:25:49.980 --> 00:25:52.980
We can predict the results of government intervention, they can.

289
00:25:52.980 --> 00:25:55.380
If you totally free market, we have no role at all.

290
00:25:55.380 --> 00:25:57.980
Now we can say, look, if there's price control,

291
00:25:57.980 --> 00:25:59.380
things are going to be a shortage,

292
00:25:59.380 --> 00:26:02.380
or if the money's flying, there's going to be inflation.

293
00:26:02.380 --> 00:26:04.980
I didn't even buy that, because in a totally free market,

294
00:26:04.980 --> 00:26:06.380
you've got to keep it that way.

295
00:26:06.380 --> 00:26:07.580
Yeah, of course.

296
00:26:07.580 --> 00:26:09.180
So, therefore, there's the education...

297
00:26:09.180 --> 00:26:10.380
Oh, yeah. No, no, no.

298
00:26:10.380 --> 00:26:12.380
We always have an educational function.

299
00:26:12.380 --> 00:26:15.380
I'm just saying, as a business, if you're employed by IBM or something,

300
00:26:15.380 --> 00:26:17.780
an economist, right now, it's really...

301
00:26:17.780 --> 00:26:20.780
Well, I mean, really employed, but it looks ridiculous.

302
00:26:20.780 --> 00:26:39.780
It seems to me the problem is that businessmen would rather have somebody who says he can predict, even if he predicts wrong, than an Austrian who says, I can't predict, so he can't do anything.

303
00:26:39.780 --> 00:26:47.780
Our discussion last night about altruism versus greed and grab and all that jazz.

304
00:26:47.780 --> 00:27:02.780
Right now, though, economists are employed in general in business to set a given pattern and then advise government on how to put that in place, isn't that how they're working?

305
00:27:02.780 --> 00:27:11.780
In general, very general. For example, you take an industry like, what industry could I use? Well, accounting. We have some accounting room.

306
00:27:11.780 --> 00:27:41.780
take an industry like the accounting practice and an economist would say okay if all people were required to file income tax returns in a certain way then we would provide the service of filling out income tax returns for them we would limit the number of people who came into the market and so on and so forth and they start with this given model and then conspire to or try to achieve the regulation that will put that model in place

307
00:27:41.780 --> 00:27:45.780
Is that how economists work in the business world now?

308
00:27:45.780 --> 00:27:47.780
In general.

309
00:27:47.780 --> 00:27:49.780
I'm going to cry.

310
00:27:49.780 --> 00:27:52.780
Let's go this way. Economists have certain functions.

311
00:27:52.780 --> 00:27:55.780
I'm not a business economist, but I know some.

312
00:27:55.780 --> 00:27:59.780
First of all, they write speeches for their Chairman of the Board of Presidents.

313
00:27:59.780 --> 00:28:01.780
That's an important function.

314
00:28:01.780 --> 00:28:03.780
Usually, his speeches are pretty good.

315
00:28:03.780 --> 00:28:05.780
If you look at business, a friend of mine used to be an economist.

316
00:28:05.780 --> 00:28:07.780
He used to work for Businessweek.

317
00:28:07.780 --> 00:28:14.100
The business writer, for different corporations, he says,

318
00:28:14.100 --> 00:28:20.700
these features are great, they also have a core free market, and actions are totally different for the same people.

319
00:28:20.700 --> 00:28:26.780
But the business speech is usually pretty good, so that's one thing economists do, they write speeches.

320
00:28:26.780 --> 00:28:35.420
But it's also a sort of PR function. We have an economist too and he does something such and it looks good to the public.

321
00:28:35.420 --> 00:28:42.420
The stockholders, there's also a problem with stockholders' suits, there's lots of stockholders' suits, stockholders' suing them in the management.

322
00:28:42.420 --> 00:28:47.420
And so the manager says, yeah, they cover their rear, so to speak.

323
00:28:47.420 --> 00:28:52.420
We made this decision, we had a fleet of top PhDs who were going to advise us on this.

324
00:28:52.420 --> 00:28:54.420
It's another function.

325
00:28:54.420 --> 00:28:58.420
All of us have a certain, you know, begins to take on the mentions of a racket.

326
00:28:58.420 --> 00:29:20.420
There was an article in the regional magazine called The Detectives Press, it was a type of look out of the technocrats at the time, people were training the university to be like us.

327
00:29:20.420 --> 00:29:37.420
Now, by the way, the worst example is the Economic Council of Canada, which is the bank president's idea, you know, he's the head of the big companies, and they're appointed, like, guess who the president is, and they call his people economists.

328
00:29:37.420 --> 00:29:43.420
Well, if you look at the forecasting, it's a big profession now, the enormous amount of money is made up of economic forecasting.

329
00:29:43.420 --> 00:29:47.420
The forecast, if you look at the forecast, they all say about the same things.

330
00:29:47.420 --> 00:29:53.420
You know, GNP is going to be, listen, inflation rate, unemployment rate, and such and such.

331
00:29:53.420 --> 00:30:01.420
Usually they're wrong. Matter of fact, there are people who judge, there are economists who estimate,

332
00:30:01.420 --> 00:30:05.420
who analyze forecasts, they've been doing that for quite a while now.

333
00:30:05.420 --> 00:30:10.420
How good are they? Every survey has ever made a forecast. They totally flop a rule.

334
00:30:10.420 --> 00:30:16.420
In other words, as a matter of fact, if you simply take a ruler...

335
00:30:16.420 --> 00:30:21.420
This is time, right? 1972, 1980s, whatever.

336
00:30:21.420 --> 00:30:24.420
If you take whatever statistic you're drawing back, and it's been going like that,

337
00:30:24.420 --> 00:30:29.420
if you simply draw a ruler and extrapolate trend, you do better than high-speed computer models

338
00:30:29.420 --> 00:30:33.420
than you can metric forecasts, on the average. Better!

339
00:30:33.420 --> 00:30:41.420
So, of course, you can't charge $500,000 for a corporation to take a ruler and go online, right?

340
00:30:41.420 --> 00:30:48.420
So, and they say, and the Wall Street Journal every once in a while talks about the parallels of forecasting,

341
00:30:48.420 --> 00:30:51.420
and they had one, I think, last about six months ago.

342
00:30:51.420 --> 00:30:59.420
They're complaining about, gee, we can do pretty well when trends don't change.

343
00:30:59.420 --> 00:31:08.420
The problem is to predict when the trend goes down or up. We haven't been able to detect that yet.

344
00:31:08.420 --> 00:31:13.420
So of course, that's the whole point. The problem is the forecast changes in the trend.

345
00:31:13.420 --> 00:31:15.420
You can't do it. Abysmal.

346
00:31:15.420 --> 00:31:20.420
And the forecast is almost always the same in a very small range.

347
00:31:20.420 --> 00:31:22.420
The reason is that nobody wants to be different from the other guys.

348
00:31:22.420 --> 00:31:25.420
The thing is it's like running in packs.

349
00:31:25.420 --> 00:31:37.420
If you're hired by a corporation or if you're, they're forecasting companies, data, I forget the name, data resourcing, just a corporate or something, auto-exit is the biggest one.

350
00:31:37.420 --> 00:31:45.420
If you're hired by companies that forecast, if you're wrong, and most of them are wrong, if you're wrong in tax, they say, oh geez, the state of the art, I couldn't help it, right?

351
00:31:45.420 --> 00:31:49.420
Everybody was wrong, only top economists were wrong, it's the way life is.

352
00:31:49.420 --> 00:31:56.420
But if you're way out of line, if you say inflation would be 2%, the other guy would say 8%, it's 8%, then you're at the end, finished.

353
00:31:56.420 --> 00:31:59.420
You're way out of line with everybody else for your turkey.

354
00:31:59.420 --> 00:32:05.420
So if you're all rolling together, no individual person can be blamed.

355
00:32:05.420 --> 00:32:09.420
So as a result, they all, first of all, interact with each other all the time.

356
00:32:09.420 --> 00:32:11.420
It was the same model as in the lab, it was long.

357
00:32:11.420 --> 00:32:16.420
So they wind up in a very similar range, the difference is very small.

358
00:32:16.420 --> 00:32:22.420
There's also one interesting problem with this thing, which has troubled me for a while,

359
00:32:22.420 --> 00:32:26.420
is that they have investment forecasters and all that, but they're always wrong.

360
00:32:26.420 --> 00:32:31.420
There's investment newsletters, which do forecasting of stocks and commodities and all that.

361
00:32:31.420 --> 00:32:34.420
Take, for example, Elliot Jane White, one of the most famous,

362
00:32:34.420 --> 00:32:37.420
who's been consistently wrong now for about 20 years, way wrong.

363
00:32:37.420 --> 00:32:42.420
I can predict the Dow Jones average is going down to 1,500 in six months.

364
00:32:42.420 --> 00:32:45.420
Six months in a row, it's still about 1,000.

365
00:32:45.420 --> 00:32:48.440
Why doesn't he lose all of his customers?

366
00:32:48.440 --> 00:32:49.820
That's an interesting question.

367
00:32:49.820 --> 00:32:53.460
It seems to me that what the left is called, the state is called market failure,

368
00:32:53.460 --> 00:32:57.580
only in market forecasting business.

369
00:32:57.580 --> 00:33:01.740
So, well, I was walking around asking people about this,

370
00:33:01.740 --> 00:33:03.780
people in the business and so forth.

371
00:33:03.780 --> 00:33:07.780
They admitted this, that people make millions from consistently wrong forecasts.

372
00:33:07.780 --> 00:33:10.700
So what's up here?

373
00:33:10.700 --> 00:33:14.620
Well, it turns out, one of the answers is, well, you get loose suckers coming in.

374
00:33:14.620 --> 00:33:21.620
That's not really good enough, it's not very satisfying because the market is supposed to work so that better people wind up as forecasters.

375
00:33:21.620 --> 00:33:32.620
Well it turns out, and the answer to the given which I think is correct is, essentially forecasting of that sort, especially not for business that prefer individuals with buying market letters, is really consumer good.

376
00:33:32.620 --> 00:33:40.620
It's not really, the purpose is not to find out, not the forecast, that's why nobody checks up on the forecast, nobody cares if you're wrong six months later.

377
00:33:40.620 --> 00:33:50.620
They enjoy reading the forecast, they enjoy listening to the guys say there's going to be a depression in six months, there's going to be wild inflation in six months. That's the enjoyment, it's consumer good.

378
00:33:50.620 --> 00:33:56.620
This is the way, they don't care whether he's right or not, they just like the hero.

379
00:33:56.620 --> 00:33:58.620
It's printed material.

380
00:33:58.620 --> 00:34:06.620
It's like a showmanship, if you notice the guys really make a lot of money, those who are very showman like this guy.

381
00:34:06.620 --> 00:34:22.620
Joe Granville, he goes in a whole act, and so it's like show inches, like watching entertainment, and once I realize that, then my troubles are over, I realize it's not a market failure, it's just a crazy market.

382
00:34:22.620 --> 00:34:27.620
So that shows you what economics is all about.

383
00:34:27.620 --> 00:34:36.620
If I may say something, that there is no need for economists, like there is no need for psychiatrists.

384
00:34:36.620 --> 00:34:41.620
People like to go to psychiatrists because they want to talk to somebody.

385
00:34:41.620 --> 00:34:46.620
They want to listen to economists in business because it is nice to hear.

386
00:34:46.620 --> 00:34:53.620
Nobody takes them seriously, especially, but it's nice to have a long-range planning committee

387
00:34:53.620 --> 00:35:23.620
for the next 20 years, because you know, it doesn't matter what they do, but the whole difference is simply that Austrian economists and the classical, basically, British-based economists, the English, that the Austrian, being Austrians, coming from middle Europe, they don't take them so seriously, this is, and they don't have this scholastic seriousness, this academism, and this is,

388
00:35:23.620 --> 00:35:29.220
Why they can't come to that conclusion, and I think this is the nature of the Austrian economy,

389
00:35:29.220 --> 00:35:34.900
that they don't take them so seriously, and they see that there are an amount of uncertainty,

390
00:35:34.900 --> 00:35:39.780
that everything is relative, I am judging the values through my own judgment,

391
00:35:39.780 --> 00:35:45.380
there is no objective values, there are no definitions like goods which you are looking,

392
00:35:45.380 --> 00:35:52.500
because what is it? Every item, the end, every item in that definition is relative,

393
00:35:52.500 --> 00:35:58.020
through my own judgement. So they come to the final conclusion that the economy,

394
00:35:58.020 --> 00:36:03.780
by the Austrians who invented the psychiatry, they came in also with the same conclusions.

395
00:36:03.780 --> 00:36:11.540
And it is exactly the same Viennese intellectual who in the Viennese coffee house had nothing else to do after

396
00:36:11.540 --> 00:36:20.900
playing chess to go into economic theory or to go into psychiatry. Some became Freud, the other became Menger.

397
00:36:20.900 --> 00:36:30.900
But one thing is involved here also. In Austrian theory, all economic laws are qualitative and not quantitative.

398
00:36:30.900 --> 00:36:38.900
We know that if the price falls, more people will buy it, more will be purchased, and more will be assorted.

399
00:36:38.900 --> 00:36:47.900
There's no economic law that tells you how much the price will fall, what the shape of the man curve is, what the price will be next week, and so forth.

400
00:36:47.900 --> 00:36:55.900
And it's considered, and this is really, I guess, a real important philosophical point about Austrian method, which is, as I was telling you earlier today,

401
00:36:55.900 --> 00:37:02.900
it's much more, we're much more in a minority nowadays, the free market, the sort of, a lot of free market economists, they're not as consistent as the Austrians are,

402
00:37:02.900 --> 00:37:08.900
but they're more or less so semi-free market economists now. So the real minority we're really in is methodological and philosophical.

403
00:37:08.900 --> 00:37:13.900
They can't stand the fact we say there's no such thing as quantitative rules. You can't predict the future quantitatively.

404
00:37:13.900 --> 00:37:19.900
You can't say a price of corn is going to be such-and-such in six weeks, ten years from now or something.

405
00:37:19.900 --> 00:37:27.900
And so those people who believe that there are, you can have quantitative logic and say,

406
00:37:27.900 --> 00:37:33.900
no, no, the man curve is 0.3 times or whatever, are really determinists.

407
00:37:33.900 --> 00:37:36.900
They really think that you can sort of determine the future, but it doesn't pretty well.

408
00:37:36.900 --> 00:37:39.900
Human action doesn't change. People are like objects or molecules.

409
00:37:39.900 --> 00:37:44.500
Therefore, you can therefore chart them like you can chart molecules.

410
00:37:44.500 --> 00:37:46.900
That's what physics, they're quantitative laws, right?

411
00:37:46.900 --> 00:37:51.300
It's how the missile will fall as it's being shot.

412
00:37:51.300 --> 00:37:55.300
And these people tended to think, and it's something in modern scientific methods,

413
00:37:55.300 --> 00:37:56.900
so-called modern scientific methods,

414
00:37:56.900 --> 00:37:59.700
something in the idea that people can be treated just like objects or molecules,

415
00:37:59.700 --> 00:38:03.500
and then chart their course and determine everything they're going to do.

416
00:38:03.500 --> 00:38:06.300
So that's a key difference, and that's why Austrian is very much in the minority,

417
00:38:06.300 --> 00:38:08.700
and that reason alone is very interesting.

418
00:38:08.700 --> 00:38:13.380
Most hard scientists, so to speak, in economics, I think they're hard scientists,

419
00:38:13.380 --> 00:38:16.740
want to get the prestige of physics and mathematics, which is real science,

420
00:38:16.740 --> 00:38:20.740
can't stand them, they just go bananas.

421
00:38:20.740 --> 00:38:24.980
That's an important, very important point.

422
00:38:24.980 --> 00:38:31.660
So, because now, so-called social sciences, or sciences of human action, Mises would put it,

423
00:38:31.660 --> 00:38:36.660
it's now considered, the only real science is math and numbers and all that, that's what science is,

424
00:38:36.660 --> 00:38:46.660
And that's how you build the atom bomb or whatever, and that still is a very dominant profession.

425
00:38:46.660 --> 00:38:51.660
So that's it. Who's your point? By the way, I can't resist this. There's nothing to do with the point.

426
00:38:51.660 --> 00:38:55.660
I'm talking about old Vienna. Mises used to be full of great anecdotes about old Vienna.

427
00:38:55.660 --> 00:39:01.660
He was my mentor and he lived there for all his life until the 1930s.

428
00:39:01.660 --> 00:39:05.660
And so one time he was walking down the street and the logical positivists were then digging in Vienna.

429
00:39:05.660 --> 00:39:25.660
So, Max Schuyler, who was an distinguished German economist, German philosopher, was walking down the streets of Vienna with Mises, and he said, tell me, Lew, how is it, why is it, what is there on the climate of Vienna that produces all these damn logical positivists?

430
00:39:25.660 --> 00:39:34.660
Mises took a little shrug and said, well, he said, well, Max, there are six million people in Vienna, three million people in Vienna, they're only total logical positivists, they can't be the climate.

431
00:39:34.660 --> 00:39:39.660
Anyway, that's a typical Misesian anecdote.

432
00:39:44.660 --> 00:39:54.660
One thing about forecasting, I can't resist this one too, is the outside economists, again, always try to say,

433
00:39:54.660 --> 00:40:00.660
criticizing the market, saying there should have been more steel produced, or there should have been less of that produced, more of that.

434
00:40:00.660 --> 00:40:06.660
And Mises' response was always, why don't they go and produce it, because the market's fed, there's a hole in the market.

435
00:40:06.660 --> 00:40:09.660
As entrepreneurs, they should go out there and fill the gap.

436
00:40:09.660 --> 00:40:20.660
And on forecasting, he would say, oh, people, for example, still claim they can predict the stock market, commodity market, to a T, that system.

437
00:40:20.660 --> 00:40:25.660
Well, if they really could do it, they wouldn't be wasting their time producing newsletters, they'd be making $2 trillion.

438
00:40:25.660 --> 00:40:55.660
and one time I saw a TV show where a talk show panel or something was a panel of forecasters or sports forecasters, people predicting baseball and basketball and all that and the host was talking about forecasting and each of them putting out weekly letters and finally the talk show host by an accident stumbled into a key question and said, well first he said, yes, do people bet on their own predictions?

439
00:40:55.660 --> 00:41:04.660
Oh, of course we do. We believe in you. We convince you wholeheartedly, and we bet on you and you're usually right. Yes, yes, we're right 98% of the time or something.

440
00:41:04.660 --> 00:41:14.660
And he says, then it hits the post, he says, well, in that case, you're missing me making millions of dollars, why are you wasting your time putting it in the newsletter?

441
00:41:14.660 --> 00:41:24.660
And the guy, he's never heard the question before, baseball forecasters, I swear he said it, he said, well, I think it's important to give this information to the public.

442
00:41:24.660 --> 00:41:30.660
I thought it was an altruistic thing. I'm like, no, I'm not discriminated by that.

443
00:41:30.660 --> 00:41:37.660
So anyway, I thought it was a little point of my point of forecasting theory.

444
00:41:37.660 --> 00:41:47.660
So, I guess we have the course now, which we haven't really touched on enough before.

445
00:41:47.660 --> 00:41:53.660
There's a tremendous difference in course theory between Austrian and everybody else, Orthodox.

446
00:41:53.660 --> 00:42:04.660
The classical and neoclassical view is that in the long run, at least, in the long run, prices tend to equal cost of production.

447
00:42:04.660 --> 00:42:12.660
The theory is something like this. Well, if you have an industry with 8% or 20% profits,

448
00:42:12.660 --> 00:42:18.660
another industry with 2% profits, people tend to move out of an industry with low profits or losses,

449
00:42:18.660 --> 00:42:21.660
move into the industry with high profits and get equalization.

450
00:42:21.660 --> 00:42:32.660
So you wind up with more or less equal profit rates across the board, zero profit rate, depending on the theory you're dealing with, and prices then equaling across the production throughout.

451
00:42:32.660 --> 00:42:35.660
So in the long run, as Marshall was famous, two blades of a scissor.

452
00:42:35.660 --> 00:42:43.660
Well, it's true in the short run that somehow they thought it was somehow unimportant, the real world is unimportant.

453
00:42:43.660 --> 00:42:49.660
It's true in day-to-day life, utility determines price, et cetera, and the supply line, the vertical supply line.

454
00:42:49.660 --> 00:42:57.340
The long run is really cost of the determinant. The long run is the famous metaphor of Alfred

455
00:42:57.340 --> 00:43:17.340
Marshall. Alfred Marshall, by the way, was the heir of Smith and McCarroll. The importance of Marshall was that he brought back McCarroll after McCarroll was more or less dead in the water.

456
00:43:17.340 --> 00:43:20.700
in other words, the theory of what was out.

457
00:43:20.700 --> 00:43:22.860
And Marshall has brought it back with tremendous prestige

458
00:43:22.860 --> 00:43:27.380
because he was at Cambridge University, writing in 1890,

459
00:43:27.380 --> 00:43:31.580
whatever, 1820s, 18s.

460
00:43:31.580 --> 00:43:33.700
So Marshall's famous metaphor was, well, it's like waves

461
00:43:33.700 --> 00:43:34.780
of the ocean.

462
00:43:34.780 --> 00:43:36.740
If you look at it in day-to-day prices,

463
00:43:36.740 --> 00:43:40.700
the height of the wave, particular wave, but in the long run,

464
00:43:40.700 --> 00:43:42.420
the price is going to be the level of the ocean,

465
00:43:42.420 --> 00:43:44.820
since the ocean is more important than the individual wave.

466
00:43:44.820 --> 00:43:57.820
So this sets the thing so that economists then get interested only in the long run, which never exists, for the reason we're going to, and not in the short run or the immediate day-to-day thing, which, of course, does exist.

467
00:43:57.820 --> 00:44:05.820
In the long run, prices are going to be equal in cost of production, or determined by the cost of production, worse than that.

468
00:44:05.820 --> 00:44:13.820
The Austrian view of cost is very different. The Austrian view is that the only cost, there's no such thing as a real cost, some kind of objective cost, which is out there,

469
00:44:13.820 --> 00:44:33.820
In the case of me buying a newspaper, the price of the newspaper is the value to me. When I give up, it's $0.30. The cost to me is $0.30 for a newspaper.

470
00:44:33.820 --> 00:44:46.820
More importantly, if you have the choice of saying, where do I spend this evening or something, and you say, well, and that's why I'm at this particular meeting, I'll say next evening, and you say, well, you haven't.

471
00:44:46.820 --> 00:44:53.820
I can go to movie A, movie B, go to party A, party B, I can read book A, book B, I have about ten choices, let's say.

472
00:44:53.820 --> 00:45:02.820
And you decide to allocate your time to movie A, I think that's the most important one, my value scale, you don't have to make a big thing out of me, because you don't have to spend a lot of time on that, but you can spend some time on it.

473
00:45:02.820 --> 00:45:07.820
Okay, I'm going to movie A and that's pretty good, I'm the director or whatever, star.

474
00:45:07.820 --> 00:45:11.820
The cost of going to movie A is you consider the prices as money,

475
00:45:11.820 --> 00:45:15.820
but you also consider it, probably more so, as what you give up for it,

476
00:45:15.820 --> 00:45:18.820
which is probably movie B, which you don't go to.

477
00:45:18.820 --> 00:45:23.820
You sacrifice movie B and go to movie A instead.

478
00:45:23.820 --> 00:45:29.820
So the cost of going to movie A in that sense is movie B.

479
00:45:29.820 --> 00:45:35.820
In other cases, like if the value scale is newspaper 30 cents and the cost is 30 cents.

480
00:45:35.820 --> 00:45:40.820
In other words, the cost of doing something, of taking any action, making any sort of choice,

481
00:45:40.820 --> 00:45:42.820
is the highest value of what you give up.

482
00:45:42.820 --> 00:45:46.820
You give up 10 different things. The highest one is your cost.

483
00:45:46.820 --> 00:45:51.820
Okay, so to conclude from this, cost is subjective to each individual.

484
00:45:51.820 --> 00:45:54.820
Only the individual knows the cost of what it was actually.

485
00:45:54.820 --> 00:45:56.820
Nobody else can know it objectively.

486
00:45:56.820 --> 00:46:02.820
No economist, no government bureau, no statistician knows your cost.

487
00:46:02.820 --> 00:46:06.820
I mean, you can see the guy went to a movie. You can say, well, he gave up. He spent $5.

488
00:46:06.820 --> 00:46:11.820
Not necessarily the cost, because he might have gone to the second movie down the corner, which was also $5.

489
00:46:11.820 --> 00:46:23.820
In other words, put it in here. Take a value scale and movie A, movie B, and $5.

490
00:46:23.820 --> 00:46:33.820
In this situation, the course of going to movie A is not the final, but higher than that is the second movie you give up.
