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NOTE 43. Hazlitt and the Great Depression

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Hazlitt and the Great Depression

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Old right journalist Garrett Garrett described the New Deal as a revolution against America's tradition of private property, limited government and the rule of law.

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Indeed, it had all the earmarks. President Roosevelt ran against government spending and deficits, but once in office, acted like a dictator.

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Roosevelt overthrew the traditional limits on government's role and instituted central

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planning and welfareism in every sector of the economy.

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Then the statist juggernaut couldn't be stopped.

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Next came FDR's war socialism, Truman's unionism, Johnson's Great Society, Nixon's

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price controls, Carter's inflation, Reagan's deficit spending, Bush's regulation and

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Clinton's Fabianism.

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Because ideas matter as much as the lust for power, the New Deal couldn't have happened

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without a public intellectual justification.

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That entailed theories on the causes of the stock market crash and the economic downturn

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that followed.

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In order for socialism to prevail in the United States, the Academy and the public had to

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be convinced that capitalism had failed.

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Henry Hazlitt was at the center of that debate, holding forth in the pages of The Nation,

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a sophisticated and trendy fortnightly.

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He was hired as literary editor, a relatively non-political position, but as the politics

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of the day became more contentious, he was afforded more editorial latitude.

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He began to write against federal encroachment on private enterprise.

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Once Roosevelt reversed his campaign rhetoric and embraced the total state, the nation editors

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knew they had to take a stand.

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As Hazlitt's criticisms of FDR grew, so did the internal complaints about Hazlitt's philosophy.

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Rather than simply fire their editor of two years, they scheduled a knockdown, drag-out

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fight between those who said capitalism had failed, thereby making socialism the answer,

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and those who said interventionism had failed, and that capitalism was the answer.

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In one corner was Hazlitt, literary critic and financial journalist.

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And the other was Louis Fisher, Russian émigré, journalist and socialist.

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The exchange, depression and the profit system, ran in the May 24, 1933 issue, in the midst

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of FDR's monetary and fiscal revolution.

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Fisher adopted a Marxian explanation of the depression.

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Citing data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics, he argued that as productivity increased since

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Since the turn of the century, wages had declined relative to output.

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Laborers then were able to purchase less and less of their product, because capitalists

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were skimming their surplus value.

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The concentration of America's wealth and America's national income in fewer and fewer

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hands has gone on apace for many years.

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What triggered the crisis?

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Fischer explained it was a combination of Marxian crisis theory and Keynesian under-consumption

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theory.

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People who wanted to consume all did not have the means, and the people who had the means

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could not consume all, hence a reduced purchasing power.

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What needs to be done?

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Divide and re-divide profits, he said.

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That is the way out.

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There should be provision for a perfectly equal division of surplus value in years to come.

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We should eliminate the profit of the capital owner and create socialism.

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Hazlitt responded by showing Fischer's figures on surplus value to be based on a fallacy

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of selection.

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Fischer had picked base years, 1899 and 1929, with a purpose in mind, and then confused

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anomalies with a general trend.

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To could play that game, Hazlitt showed that Labour's product could be said to have been

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increasing relative to output by picking other years, 1869 and 1921.

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Moreover, Hazlett asked, if labor's decreasing share of profits is the cause, how do we explain

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economic recoveries during the same period in question?

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How can we explain, using this reasoning, why the crisis did not come sooner?

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As Hazlett said, Marx's theory makes it difficult to explain why we are not always

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in a crisis and impossible to explain how we ever surmount one.

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On that basis, he dismissed the broader implication that the 1929 crash represented anything

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But what if Fisher was right that labour really was earning a smaller return relative to capital?

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Hazlitt noted that this would not necessarily mean that people were being exploited – it

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could just mean that the volume of capital in industry was increasing at a greater rate

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than that of labour, which indicates increasingly efficient technology.

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If so, that might lend weight to the expectations of the classical economists that labour would

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to own more capital as productivity increased – for example, the number of stockholders

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increased dramatically during the 1920s.

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Having dispensed with Fischer's sweeping Marxian theory, he argued that the best period

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to examine from an economic point of view was the time between the last crisis and the

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present one – the period, say, from 1922 to 1929.

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In this period, one notices that the prices and output of capital and labor in the industrial

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A stable market order, he said, requires an atmosphere free of shocks, or at least a government

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that allows the economy to correct once those shocks had occurred.

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The war had artificially inflated the prices of commodities, and they needed to correct

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downward to a more realistic level.

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He argued that the crisis of 1929 was that downward correction.

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But the focus of this collapse, he wrote, was aggravated enormously by the whole series

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of post-war policies.

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Among these, he listed the vicious Treaty of Versailles, the disorganization caused

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by reparations and war debts, the preposterous tariff barriers thrown up everywhere, the

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abandonment of the gold standard and the adoption of the gold exchange standard, and the reckless

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First Lending to Foreign Countries

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Most importantly, he blamed the artificial cheap money policy pursued both in England

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and America, leading here to a colossal real estate and stock market speculation under

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the benign encouragement of Mrs. Coolidge and Mellon.

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This malinvestment caused by inflationary policies created distortions in the capital

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stock that called for correction.

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Peter Haslett would conclude that malinvestment was the central problem not only in the Great

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Depression, but in all business cycles.

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He did so under the influence of Ludwig von Mises, whom he met about a decade later.

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Together they advocated the gold standard and the Austrian theory of the business cycle.

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The theory developed by Mises points to the way markets coordinate plans over time, and

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and the way central bank money and credit expansion disrupt those plans.

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Hazlitt was inclined to the Austrian theory even before he knew it formally.

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It was most consistent with his manner of thinking.

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As a literary critic, his specialty was exploding the pretensions of ideologues.

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He loved picking up a fashionable academic text, dissecting its essential claims from

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overblown prose and showing how patently absurd it was.

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He had a gift, in short, for finding the essence of an argument and testing it relentlessly

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against standards of reason.

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These are all traits the Austrian School carried with it since its birth in 19th century Vienna,

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traits that had also been essential in the late scholastic tradition of 16th century

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to Spain, which was indebted to Thomist and thus Aristotelian reasoning.

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One patently absurd recommendation in Fischer's essay, according to Hazlitt, was his call

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for high new taxes on capital.

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This measure would violently aggravate the catastrophe, Hazlitt said, by causing business

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to take another downturn that would make the 1929 crash look trivial.

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An increase in wages would be undesirable as well, Hazlitt said, because that would

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cause the cost to business to increase and lead to even more unemployment.

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In order to make the economy recover, he said, we need more private capital, not less.

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And that means letting markets work.

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More than anything, said Hazlitt, we don't need socialism, communism, or that ambiguous

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thing called planning.

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Based on the type of people who would be in charge, and the nature of politics, he was

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sure the economy would be run by economic illiterates – people he no doubt meant,

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like Louis Fisher.

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Virtually everything Haslett wrote in this powerful essay, his analysis of cause, effect

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and the solution, was later vindicated in the work of scholars like Murray Rothbard

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and Robert Higgs.

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In his book Modern Times, Paul Johnson sketches the same scenario that Hazlitt laid out in

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the thick of the New Deal onslaught itself.

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More recently, Richard Vedder and Lowell Galloway presented essentially the same position in

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Out of Work.

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Hazlitt might have been spared his job had his attack on the emerging consensus not been

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so complete and so devastating.

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If he had made a few more concessions, or possibly not totally smashed Fisher, he might

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have lasted.

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But it was not in Hazlitt's nature to withhold the truth for the sake of expediency.

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He must have sensed the end was near for his prestigious job at The Nation, and decided

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to go out with a bang.

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The dramatic debate between Fisher and Hazlitt ended with an ominous note from the editor.

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The discussion will be commented upon editorially in a forthcoming issue.

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Indeed, it was the next issue in which the nation announced its devotion to the socialist

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cause.

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Mr. Roosevelt is attempting to preserve capitalism, said the editorial, echoing conventional wisdom

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of the day, to save it from itself by robbing it temporarily of several of its most fundamentally

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capitalistic prerogatives.

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If the New Deal passes, said the editors with rare insight, he will have the power to tell

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industry what and how much it may produce, what it may charge for its products, how much

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it shall pay to labor, what hours labor shall work.

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But this was not enough for the nation.

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We tend to agree with Fisher, said the editors, that a collective society offers the best

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hope for this desirable end.

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and they favored a move toward collectivism as rapidly as possible.

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Criticizing Roosevelt's alleged timidity, they said the country's steps towards an

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integrated socialized industrial society should be deliberate and purposeful.

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The pages of a magazine devoted largely to pushing progressive cultural reform had swung

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fully in favor of collectivism.

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The esoteric doctrine had been made explicit for the first time, and Hazlitt was pushed

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out and forced to find other outlets for his work.

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After his death, socialist propagandist Irving Howe, editor of Dissent, was eulogized again

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and again in the popular media, even though – or possibly because – his anti-property,

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anti-bourgeois ideas were utterly alien to the pre-New Deal American experience.

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This is even after the failure of socialism around the world.

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Hazlitt was right many times over about socialism, welfarism, inflation and the gold standard,

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popular culture and much else.

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And unlike Howe, Hazlitt wrote as clearly as he thought.

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He never used his position to spread disinformation in the service of ideology as Howe did.

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had a profound faith in truth and let logic and facts speak for themselves.

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It's a measure of the corruption of official culture that the death of Henry Hazlitt was

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hardly noticed.

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In his death, I feel sure, his greatest hope was that this country would realize the errors

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of its history and rectify them.

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When our history is rewritten and the Irving Howes are seen as the social menaces they were,

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Hazlitt will be remembered as a prophet who spoke truth to power.

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The nation, in a stunning reversal of socialist editorial policies, will concede that Hazlitt

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was right all along.
