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NOTE 10.02. Cartels and Their Consequences

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2. CARTELS AND THEIR CONSEQUENCES

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a. CARTELS AND MONOPOLY PRICE

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But is not monopolizing action a restriction of production, and is not this restriction a demonstrably anti-social act?

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Let us first take what would seem to be the worst possible case of such action, the actual

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destruction of part of a product by a cartel.

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This is done to take advantage of an inelastic demand, and to raise the price to gain a greater

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monetary income for the whole group.

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We can visualize, for example, the case of a coffee cartel, burning great quantities

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of coffee.

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In the first place, such actions will surely occur very seldom.

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Actual destruction of its product is clearly a highly wasteful act, even for the cartel.

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It is obvious that the factors of production which the growers had expended in producing

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the coffee have been spent in vain.

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Clearly the production of the total quantity of coffee itself has proved to be an error,

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The burning of coffee is only the aftermath and reflection of the error.

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Yet because of the uncertainty of the future, errors are often made.

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Man could labor and invest for years in the production of a good, which, it may turn out,

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consumers hardly want at all.

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If, for example, consumers' tastes had changed so that coffee would not be demanded by anyone

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Error is certainly unfortunate, but it cannot be considered immoral or antisocial.

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Nobody aims deliberately at error.

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If coffee were a durable good, it is obvious that the cartel would not destroy it, but would

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would store it for gradual futures sale to consumers, thus earning income on the surplus

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coffee.

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In an evenly rotating economy where errors are barred by definition, there would be no

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destruction since optimum stocks for the attainment of money income would be produced in advance.

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Less coffee would be produced from the beginning.

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The waste lies in the excessive production of coffee at the expense of other goods that

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could have been produced.

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The waste does not lie in the actual burning of the coffee.

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After the production of coffee is lowered, the other factors which would have gone into

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coffee production will not be wasted.

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The other land, labor, etc. will go into other and more profitable uses.

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It is true that excess specific factors will remain idle, but this is always the fate of

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specific factors when the realities of consumer demand do not sustain their use in production.

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For example, if there is a sudden dwindling of consumer demand for a good so that it becomes

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unremunerative for labor to work with certain specialized machines, this idle capacity is

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is not a social waste, but is rather socially useful.

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It is proved an error to have produced the machines.

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And now that the machines are produced, working on them turns out to be less profitable than

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working with other lands and machines to produce some other result.

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Therefore, the economical step is to leave them idle, or perhaps to transform their material

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stuff into other uses.

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Of course, in an errorless economy, no excessive specific capital goods will be produced.

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Suppose for example that before the coffee cartel went into operation, X amount of labor

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and Y amount of land cooperated to produce 100 million pounds of coffee a year.

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The coffee cartel determined, however, that the most remunerative production was 60 million

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In fact, we may say it is more just, since the new allocation of factors will be more profitable, and hence, more value productive to consumers.

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In the value sense, then, overall production has now expanded, not contracted.

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It is clear we cannot say that production overall has been restricted, since output of goods other than coffee has increased, and the only comparison between the decline of one good and the increase in another must be made in these broad, valuational terms.

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Indeed, the shifting of factors to rubber and jungle guidance no more restricts coffee

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production than a previous shift of factors to coffee restricted the production of the

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former goods.

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The whole concept of restricting production, then, is a fallacy when applied to the free

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market.

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In the real world of scarce resources in relation to possible ends, all production involves

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In short, the production of any product is necessarily always restricted.

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Such restriction follows simply from the universal scarcity of factors and the diminishing marginal

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utility of any one product.

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But then it is absurd to speak of restriction at all.

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In the words of Professor Mises, that the production of a commodity P is not larger

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than it really is, is due to the fact that the complementary factors of production required

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for an expansion were employed for the production of other commodities.

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Neither did the producers of P intentionally restrict the production of P. Every entrepreneur's

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A man whose capital is limited. He employs it for those projects which he expects will, by filling the most urgent demand of the public, yield the highest profit.

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An entrepreneur at whose disposal are 100 units of capital employs, for instance, 50 units for the production of P and 50 units for the production of Q.

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If both lines are profitable, it is odd to blame him for not having employed more, for example, 75 units, for the production of P.

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He could increase the production of P only by curtailing correspondingly the production of Q.

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But with regard to Q, the same fault could be found by the grumblers.

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If one blames the entrepreneur for not having produced more P, one must blame him also for

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not having produced more Q. This means one blames the entrepreneur for the fact that

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there is a scarcity of the factors of production, and that the earth is not a land of cocaine.

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We cannot, then, say that the cartel has restricted production. After the final allocation has

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As eliminated the producer's error, the cartel's action will affect a maximization of producer's

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incomes in the service of the consumers, as do all other free market allocations.

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This is the result that people on the market tend to attain in consonance with their skill

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as forecasting entrepreneurs, and this is the only situation in which man as consumer

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harmonizes with man as producer.

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It follows from our analysis that the producer's original production of 100 million pounds

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was an unfortunate error, later corrected by them.

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Instead of being a vicious restriction of production to the detriment of the consumers,

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the cutback in coffee production was, on the contrary, a correction of the previous error.

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Since only the free market can allocate resources to serve the consumer, in accordance with

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monetary profitability, it follows that in the previous situation, too much coffee and

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too little rubber, jungle guide service, etc. were being produced.

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The cartel's action in reducing the production of coffee and causing an increase in the production

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Production of rubber, jungle guiding, etc. led to an increase in the power of the productive

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resources to satisfy consumer desires.

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If there are anti-cartellists who disagree with this verdict and believe that the previous

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structure of production served the consumers better, they are always at perfect liberty

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to Bid the Land, Labor and Capital Factors Away from the Jungle Guide Agencies and Rubber

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Producers and Themselves Embark on the Production of the Allegedly Deficient 40 Million Pounds

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of Coffee.

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Since they are not doing so, they are hardly in a position to attack the existing coffee

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producers for not doing so.

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As Mises succinctly stated, certainly those engaged in the production of steel are not

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responsible for the fact that other people did not likewise enter this field of production.

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If somebody is to blame for the fact that the number of people who joined the voluntary

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civil defense organization is not larger, then it is not those who have already joined,

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but those who have not.

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The position of the anti-cartellists implies that someone else is producing too much of

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some other product, yet they offer no standards except their own arbitrary decrees to determine

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which production is excessive.

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Criticism of steel owners for not producing enough steel, or of coffee growers for not

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not producing enough coffee also implies the existence of a caste system whereby a certain

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caste is permanently designated to produce steel, another caste to grow coffee, etc.

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Only in such a caste society would such criticism make sense, yet the free market is the reverse

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of the caste system. Indeed, choice between alternatives implies mobility between alternatives,

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and this mobility obviously holds for entrepreneurs or lenders with money to invest in production.

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Furthermore, as we have stated, an inelastic demand is purely the result of consumer's

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This would be impossible, if the growers knew that they would be confronted with the price of $40 million of coffee, and the price of $40 million of coffee would be double the price of one gold grain per pound to two gold grains per pound.

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This would be impossible if the growers knew that they would be confronted with an effective consumer boycott at the higher price.

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Further, consumers have another way, if they so desire, to prevent destruction of the good.

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Various consumers, acting either individually or jointly, could offer to purchase the existing coffee at higher than present prices.

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They could do this either because of their desire for coffee, or because of their philanthropic

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dismay at the destruction of a useful good, or from a combination of both motives.

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At any rate, if they did so, they would prevent the producer's cartel from decreasing the

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supply sold on the market.

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The boycott at a higher price and or increased offers at the lower price would change the

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to the demand, and render it elastic at the present stock level, thereby removing any

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incentive or need for the formation of a cartel.

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To regard a cartel as immoral or as hampering some sort of consumer's sovereignty is therefore

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completely unwarranted.

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And this is true even in the seemingly worst case of a cartel that we may assume is founded

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solely for restrictive purposes, and where, as a result of previous error and the perishability

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of product, actual destruction will occur.

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If consumers really wish to prevent this action, they need only change their demand schedules

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for the product, either by an actual change in their taste for coffee, or by a combination

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of boycott and philanthropy.

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The fact that such a development does not take place in any given circumstance signifies

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that the producers are still maximizing their monetary income in the service of the consumers,

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by a cartel action as well as by any other action.

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Some listeners might object that in offering higher demands for existing stock, the consumers

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would be bribing the producers, and that this constitutes an unwarranted extortion on the

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part of the producers.

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But this charge is untenable.

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Producers are guided by the goal of maximizing monetary income.

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They are not extorting, but simply producing where their gains are at a maximum, through

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exchanges concluded voluntarily by producers and consumers alike.

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This is no more nor less a case of extortion than when a laborer shifts from a lower-paying

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to a higher-paying job, or when an entrepreneur invests in what he thinks will be a more rather

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than a less profitable project.

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It must be recognized that once an error has been committed as it had been in the aforementioned

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In this situation, the rational course is not to bewail the past, nor to attempt to recover historical costs, but to make the best, ceteris paribus, the most money, of the present situation.

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We recognize this when previously produced machines or other capital goods face a loss of demand for their product.

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In the production process, as we have seen, labor energies work on natural and produced factors to arrive at the most urgently demanded consumers' goods.

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Since error is inevitable, this process is bound to lead to a considerable amount of idle capital goods at any given time.

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Similarly, much original land area will remain idle because existing labor has more profitable

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work to do on other lands.

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In short, the idle coffee is the result of an error in forecasting, and should be no

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more shocking or reprehensible than idle capacity in any other type of capital good.

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Our argument is just as applicable to a single firm producing a unique product with an inelastic

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demand as it is to a cartel of firms.

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A single firm with inelastic demand for its product could also destroy part of its stock

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after committing a forecasting error.

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Our critique of the anti-monopoly price and consumers' sovereignty doctrines applies

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A common argument holds that cartel action involves collusion, for one firm may achieve a monopoly price as a result of its natural abilities or consumer enthusiasm for its particular product, whereas a cartel of many firms allegedly involves collusion.

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Inclusion and Conspiracy.

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These expressions, however, are simply emotive terms designed to induce an unfavorable response.

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What is actually involved here is cooperation to increase the incomes of the producers.

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For what is the essence of a cartel action?

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Individual producers agree to pool their assets into a common lot.

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This single central organization to make the decisions on production and price policies

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for all the owners, and then to allocate the monetary gain among them.

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But is this process not the same as any sort of joint partnership, or the formation of

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a single corporation?

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What happens when a partnership or corporation is formed?

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Rules agree to pool their assets into a central management, this central direction to set

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the policies for the owners and to allocate the monetary gains among them.

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In both cases, the pooling, lines of authority and allocation of monetary gain take place

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according to rules agreed upon by all from the beginning.

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There is, therefore, no essential difference between a cartel and an ordinary corporation

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or partnership.

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It might be objected that the ordinary corporation or partnership covers only one firm, while

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the cartel includes an entire industry, that is, all firms producing a certain product,

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but such a distinction does not necessarily hold.

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Monopolist firms may refuse to enter a cartel, while, on the other hand, a single firm may

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well be a monopolist in the sale of its particular unique product, and therefore it may also

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encompass an entire industry.

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The correspondence between a cooperative partnership or corporation, not generally considered reprehensible,

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and a cartel, is further enhanced when we consider the case of a merger of various firms.

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Mergers have been denounced as monopolistic, but not nearly as vehemently as have cartels.

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Merging firms pool their capital assets, and the owners of the individual firms now become

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part owners of the single merged firm.

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They will agree on rules for the exchange ratios of the shares of the different companies.

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If the merging firms encompass the entire industry, then a merger is simply a permanent

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form of cartel.

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Yet clearly the only difference between a merger and the original forming of a single

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corporation is that the merger pools existing capital goods assets, while the original birth

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The birth of a corporation pools money assets.

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It is clear that economically there is little difference between the two.

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A merger is the action of individuals with a certain quantity of already produced capital

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goods, adjusting themselves to their present and expected future conditions by cooperative

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pooling of assets.

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The formation of a new company is an adjustment to expected future conditions before any specific

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investment has been made in capital goods by cooperative pooling of assets.

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The essential similarity lies in the voluntary pooling of assets in a more centralized organization

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for the purpose of increasing monetary income.

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The theorists who attack cartels and monopolies do not recognize the identity of the two actions.

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As a result, a merger is considered less reprehensible than a cartel, and a single corporation far

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less menacing than a merger.

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Yet an industry-wide merger is, in effect, a permanent cartel, a permanent combination

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and fusion.

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On the other hand, a cartel that maintains by voluntary agreement the separate identity

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of each firm is, by nature, a highly transitory and ephemeral arrangement, and, as we shall

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see, generally tends to break up on the market.

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In fact, in many cases, a cartel can be considered as simply a tentative step in the direction

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Correction of a Permanent Merger

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And a merger and the original formation of a corporation do not, as we have seen, essentially

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differ.

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The former is an adaptation of the size and number of firms in an industry to new conditions,

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or is the correction of a previous error in forecasting.

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The latter is a de novo attempt to adapt to present and future market conditions.

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C. Economics, Technology and the Size of the Firm.

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We do not know and economics cannot tell us the optimum size of a firm in any given industry.

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The optimum size depends on the concrete technological conditions of each situation as well as on

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the state of consumer demand in relation to the given supply of various factors in this

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and in other industries.

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All these complex questions enter into the decisions of producers and ultimately of consumers

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concerning how large the firms in various lines of production will be.

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In line with consumer demand and with opportunity costs for the various factors, factor owners

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and entrepreneurs will produce in those industries and firms in which they can maximize their

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and their monetary income or profit, other psychic factors being equal.

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Since forecasting is the function of entrepreneurs, successful entrepreneurs will minimize their errors and hence their losses as well.

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As a result, any existing situation on the free market will tend to be the most desirable for the satisfaction of consumers' demands,

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and Finance, including herein the non-monetary wishes of the producers.

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Neither economists nor engineers can decide the most efficient size of a firm in any situation.

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Only the entrepreneurs themselves can determine what size of firm will operate most efficiently,

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and it is presumptuous and unwarranted for economists or for any other outside observers

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to attempt to dictate otherwise. In this and other matters, the wishes and demands of the

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consumers are telegraphed through the price system, and the resulting drive for maximum

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monetary income and profits will always tend to bring about the optimum allocation and pricing.

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There is no need for the external advice of economists.

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It is clear that when several thousand individuals decide not to produce and own individual

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steel plants by themselves, but rather to pool their capital into an organized corporation

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which will purchase factors, invest and direct production and sell the product, later allocating

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the monetary gains among the owners, they are enormously increasing their efficiency.

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Compared to production in hundreds of tiny plants, the quantity of production per given

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factors will be greatly increased.

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The large firm will be able to purchase heavily capitalized machinery and to finance better

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organized marketing and distributing outlets.

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All this is quite clear when thousands of individuals pool their capital into the establishment

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of a Steel Firm, but why may it not be equally true when several small steel firms merge

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into one large company?

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It might be replied that in the latter merger, particularly in the case of a cartel, joint

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action is taken not to increase efficiency, but solely to increase income by restricting

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sales.

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There is no way that an outside observer can distinguish between a restrictive and an efficiency

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increasing operation.

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In the first place, we must not think of the plant or factory as being the only productive

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factors, the efficiency of which can increase.

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Marketing, advertising, etc. are also factors of production, for production is not simply

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the physical transformation of a product, but also consists in transporting it and placing

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it into the hands of users.

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The latter implies the expenses of informing the user about the existence and nature of

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the product, and of selling that product to him.

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Since a cartel always engages in joint marketing, who can deny that the cartel might render

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marketing more efficient?

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How therefore can this efficiency be separated from the restrictive aspect of the operation?

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Much error would have been avoided if economists had heeded the words of Arthur Latham Perry.

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Every man who puts forth an effort to satisfy the desire of another with the expectation

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The definition of a return is a producer. The Latin word, produceri, means to expose anything to sale. We must rid ourselves at the outset of the notion that it is only to be applied to forms of matter, that it means to transform something only.

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The fundamental meaning of the root word, both in Latin and in English, is effort with reference to a sale.

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A product is a service ready to be rendered.

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A producer is any person who gets something ready to sell and sells it.

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Furthermore, technological factors in production can never be considered in a vacuum.

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Technological knowledge tells us of a whole host of alternatives that are open to us,

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but the crucial questions in what to invest, how much, what production method to choose,

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can be answered only by economic, that is, by financial, considerations.

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They can be answered only on a market actuated by a drive for money incomes and profits.

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Thus, how is a producer to decide, in digging a subway tunnel, what material to use in its construction?

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From a purely technological point of view, solid platinum may be the best choice, the most durable, etc.

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Does this mean that he should choose platinum?

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He can make a choice among factors, methods, goods to produce, etc.,

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etc., only by comparing the necessary monetary expenses, which are equal to the income the

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factors could earn elsewhere, with expected monetary income from the production.

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Only by maximizing monetary gain can factors be allocated in the service of consumers.

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Otherwise, and on purely technological grounds, there would be nothing to prevent the building

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The only reason this cannot be done under present conditions is the heavy money cost caused by the waste of drawing away factors and resources from uses far more urgently demanded by the consumers.

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But the fact of this urgent alternative demand, and thus the fact of the waste, can be discovered only through being recorded by a price system, actuated by a drive by producers for money incomes.

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Only empirical observation of the market reveals to us the full absurdity of such a transcontinental subway.

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Moreover, there are no physical units with which we can compare the different types of physical factors and physical products.

283
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Thus, suppose a producer attempts to determine the most efficient use of two hours of his labor.

284
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In a romantic moment, he tries to determine this efficiency by purely abstracting from sordid considerations of monetary gain.

285
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Assume that he is confronted with three technologically known alternatives.

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In alternative A, two hours of labor with five pounds of clay and one oven hour produces one pot.

287
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In alternative B, two hours of labor with one block of wood and one oven hour produces one pipe.

288
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In Alternative C, with two hours of labour and one block of wood and one oven hour, he is able to produce one model boat.

289
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Which of these alternatives, A, B or C, is the most efficient, the most technologically useful way of allocating his labour?

290
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It is clear that the idealistic, self-sacrificing producer has no way of knowing.

291
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He has no rational way of deciding whether or not to produce the pot, the pipe or the boat.

292
00:32:24.360 --> 00:32:31.080
Only the selfish money-seeking producer has a rational way of determining the allocation.

293
00:32:31.800 --> 00:32:40.040
In seeking maximum monetary gain, the producer compares the money costs, necessary expenses

294
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of the Various Factors with the Prices of the Products.

295
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Considering A and B, for example, if the purchase of the clay and oven hour would cost one gold ounce,

296
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and the pot could sell for two gold ounces, his labor would earn one gold ounce.

297
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On the other hand, if the wood and oven hour would cost one and a half gold ounces,

298
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and the pipe could sell for four gold ounces, he would earn two and a half ounces for his

299
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two hours of labor, and would choose to make this product.

300
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The prices of both the product and the factors are reflections of consumer demand, and of

301
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producers' attempts to earn money in its service.

302
00:33:28.360 --> 00:33:34.620
The only way the producer could determine which product to make is to compare expected

303
00:33:34.620 --> 00:33:36.740
monetary gains.

304
00:33:36.740 --> 00:33:42.100
If the boat would sell for five gold ounces, he would produce the boat rather than the

305
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pipe and thus satisfy a more urgent consumer demand as well as his own desire for monetary

306
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income.

307
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There can therefore be no separation of technological efficiency from financial considerations.

308
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The only way that we can determine whether one product is more demanded than another

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or one process more efficient than another is through concrete actions of the free market.

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We may think it is self-evident, for example, that the optimum efficient size of a steel

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plant is larger than that of a barbershop, but we know this not as economists from a priori

312
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or praxeological reasoning, but purely by empirical observation of the free market.

313
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There is no way that economists or any other outside observers can set the technological

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optimum for any plant or firm.

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00:34:42.680 --> 00:34:46.680
This can be done only on the market itself.

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But if this is true in general, it is also true in the specific cases of mergers and

317
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cartels.

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The impossibility of isolating a technological element becomes even clearer when we remember

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Remember that the critical problem is not the size of the plant, but the size of the

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firm.

321
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The two are by no means synonymous.

322
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It is true that the firm will consider the optimum sized plant for whatever scale its

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operations will be on, and further that a larger sized plant will, Ceteris paribus,

324
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require a larger sized firm.

325
00:35:27.840 --> 00:35:32.360
But its range of decisions cover a much broader ground.

326
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How much to invest, what good or goods to produce, etc.

327
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A firm may encompass one or more plants or products, and always encompasses marketing

328
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facilities, financial organization, etc., which are overlooked when only the plant is

329
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held in view.

330
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R. H. Coase, in an illuminating article, The Nature of the Firm, has pointed out that the extent to which transactions take place within a firm, or between firms, is dependent on the balancing of the necessary costs of using the price mechanism as against the costs of organizing a structure of production within a firm.

331
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These considerations, incidentally, serve to refute the very popular distinction between production for use and production for profit.

332
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In the first place, all production is for use, otherwise it would not take place.

333
00:36:38.360 --> 00:36:46.360
In the market economy, this almost always means goods for the use of others, the consumers.

334
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Profit can be earned only through servicing consumers with produced goods.

335
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On the other hand, there can be no rational production above the most primitive level

336
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based on technological or utilitarian considerations abstracted from monetary gain.

337
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This spurious distinction was brought into wide currency by Thorstein Veblen and continued

338
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in the happily short-lived technocracy movement of the early 1930s.

339
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According to his biographer, this distinction was the keynote to all Veblen's writings.

340
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It is important to realize what we have not said in this section.

341
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We have not said that cartels will always be more efficient than individual firms, or

342
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that big firms will always be more efficient than small ones.

343
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Our conclusion is that economics can make few valid statements about the optimal size

344
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of a firm, except that the free market will come as close as possible to rendering maximum

345
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service to consumers, whether we are considering the size of a firm or any other aspect of

346
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production.

347
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All the concrete problems in production, the size of the firm, the size of the industry,

348
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The location, price, size and nature of the output, etc. are for entrepreneurs, not economists, to solve.

349
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We should not leave the problem of the size of the firm without considering a common worry

350
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of economic writers.

351
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What if the average cost of a firm continues to fall indefinitely?

352
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Should not the firm then grow so big as to constitute a monopoly?

353
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There is much lamentation that competition breaks down in such a situation.

354
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Much of the emphasis on this problem comes, however, from preoccupation with the case

355
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of pure competition, which, as we shall see, is an impossible figment.

356
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Secondly, it is obvious that no firm ever has been or can be infinitely large, so that

357
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limiting obstacles, rising or less rapidly falling costs, must enter somewhere, and relevantly,

358
00:39:16.640 --> 00:39:17.880
for every firm.

359
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Thirdly, if a firm, through greater efficiency, does obtain a monopoly in some sense in its

360
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Industry, it clearly does so, in the case we are considering falling average cost, by

361
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lowering prices and benefiting the consumers.

362
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And if, as all the theorists who attack monopoly agree, what is wrong with monopoly is precisely

363
00:39:43.440 --> 00:39:50.060
a restriction of production and a rise in price, there is obviously nothing wrong with

364
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with a monopoly achieved by pursuing the directly opposite path.

365
00:40:01.060 --> 00:40:08.060
Analysis demonstrates that a cartel is an inherently unstable form of operation.

366
00:40:08.060 --> 00:40:18.060
If the joint pooling of assets in a common cause proves in the long run to be profitable for each of the individual members of the cartel,

367
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The Theory of Money and Credit

368
00:40:48.060 --> 00:40:57.140
If joint action is the most efficient and profitable course for each member, a merger

369
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will soon take place.

370
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The very fact that each member firm retains its potential independence in the cartel means

371
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that a breakup could take place at any time.

372
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The cartel will have to assign production totals and quotas to each of the member firms.

373
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This is likely to lead first to a good deal of bickering among the firms over the assignment

374
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of quotas, with each member attempting to gain a larger share of the assignment.

375
00:41:27.560 --> 00:41:34.040
Whatever basis quotas are assigned on will necessarily be arbitrary and will always be

376
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subject to challenge by one or more members.

377
00:41:37.920 --> 00:41:43.960
As Professor Benham states, firms which have produced a relatively large share of output

378
00:41:43.960 --> 00:41:48.360
in the past will demand the same share in the future.

379
00:41:48.360 --> 00:41:54.220
Firms which are expanding, owing, for example, to an unusually efficient management, will

380
00:41:54.220 --> 00:41:58.380
demand a larger share than they obtained in the past.

381
00:41:58.380 --> 00:42:04.220
Firms with a greater capacity for producing, as measured by the size of their plant, will

382
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demand a correspondingly greater share.

383
00:42:07.860 --> 00:42:15.120
In a merger, or in the formation of one corporation, the stockholders, by majority vote, form a

384
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decision-making organization.

385
00:42:17.740 --> 00:42:25.780
In the case of a cartel, however, disputes arise among independent, owning entities.

386
00:42:25.780 --> 00:42:32.100
Particularly likely to be restive under the imposed joint action will be the more efficient

387
00:42:32.100 --> 00:42:38.260
Producers, who will be eager to expand their business rather than be fettered by shackles

388
00:42:38.260 --> 00:42:43.700
and quotas to provide shelter for their less efficient competitors.

389
00:42:43.700 --> 00:42:48.900
Clearly the more efficient firms will be the ones to break up the cartel.

390
00:42:48.900 --> 00:42:55.020
This will be increasingly true as time goes on and conditions change from the time the

391
00:42:55.020 --> 00:42:57.340
cartel was first formed.

392
00:42:57.340 --> 00:43:03.340
The quotas, the jealously made agreements that formerly seemed plausible to all, now

393
00:43:03.340 --> 00:43:09.940
become intolerable restrictions for the more efficient firms, and the cartel soon breaks

394
00:43:09.940 --> 00:43:18.880
up, for once one firm breaks away, expands output and cuts prices, the others must follow.

395
00:43:18.880 --> 00:43:25.680
If the cartel does not break up from within, it is even more likely to do so from without.

396
00:43:25.680 --> 00:43:32.800
To the extent that it has earned unusual monopoly profits, outside firms and outside producers

397
00:43:32.800 --> 00:43:35.560
will enter the same field of production.

398
00:43:35.560 --> 00:43:41.120
Outsiders, in short, rush in to take advantage of the higher profits.

399
00:43:41.120 --> 00:43:47.200
But once one strong competitor arises to challenge it, the cartel is doomed.

400
00:43:47.200 --> 00:43:53.740
For as the firms in the cartel are bound by production quotas, they must watch new competitors

401
00:43:53.740 --> 00:44:17.820
There are other arguments that opponents of cartels use in decrying cartel action.

402
00:44:17.820 --> 00:44:23.700
One thesis asserts that there is something wicked about formerly competing firms now

403
00:44:23.700 --> 00:44:31.020
Without uniting, for example, restricting competition or restraining trade, such restriction

404
00:44:31.020 --> 00:44:35.220
is supposed to injure the consumer's freedom of choice.

405
00:44:35.220 --> 00:44:41.620
As Hutt phrased it in his previously cited article, consumers are free and consumer's

406
00:44:41.620 --> 00:44:49.540
sovereignty is realizable only to the extent to which the power of substitution exists.

407
00:44:49.540 --> 00:44:54.500
But surely this is a complete misconception of the meaning of freedom.

408
00:44:54.500 --> 00:45:01.940
Crusoe and Friday bargaining on a desert island have very little range or power of choice.

409
00:45:01.940 --> 00:45:04.900
Their power of substitution is limited.

410
00:45:04.900 --> 00:45:12.300
Yet if neither man interferes with the other's person or property, each one is absolutely

411
00:45:12.300 --> 00:45:13.300
free.

412
00:45:13.300 --> 00:45:21.300
To argue otherwise is to adopt the fallacy of confusing freedom with abundance or range of choice.

413
00:45:21.300 --> 00:45:29.380
No individual producer is or can be responsible for other people's power to substitute.

414
00:45:29.380 --> 00:45:36.040
No coffee grower or steel producer, whether acting singly or jointly, is responsible to

415
00:45:36.040 --> 00:45:40.100
anyone because he chose not to produce more.

416
00:45:40.100 --> 00:45:46.980
If Professor X or Consumer Y believes that there are not enough coffee producers in existence

417
00:45:46.980 --> 00:45:52.620
or that they are not producing enough, these critics are free to enter the coffee or steel

418
00:45:52.620 --> 00:45:58.700
business as they see fit, thus increasing both the number of competitors and the quantity

419
00:45:58.700 --> 00:46:01.220
of the good produced.

420
00:46:01.220 --> 00:46:08.260
If consumer demand had really justified more competitors or more of the product or a greater

421
00:46:08.260 --> 00:46:38.260
The Theory of Money and Credit

422
00:46:38.260 --> 00:46:44.820
Market, the false confusion of freedom with abundance rests on a failure to distinguish

423
00:46:44.820 --> 00:46:52.780
between the conditions given by nature and man-made actions to transform nature.

424
00:46:52.780 --> 00:46:56.620
In a state of raw nature, there is no abundance.

425
00:46:56.620 --> 00:47:00.620
In fact, there are few, if any, goods at all.

426
00:47:00.620 --> 00:47:05.820
Crusoe is absolutely free, and yet on the point of starvation.

427
00:47:05.820 --> 00:47:11.180
Of course it would be pleasanter for everyone if the nature-given conditions had been far

428
00:47:11.180 --> 00:47:14.980
more abundant, but these are vain fantasies.

429
00:47:14.980 --> 00:47:22.540
For vis-à-vis nature, this is the best of all possible worlds, because it is the only

430
00:47:22.540 --> 00:47:24.380
possible one.

431
00:47:24.380 --> 00:47:30.140
Man's condition on earth is that he must work with the given natural conditions and

432
00:47:30.140 --> 00:47:32.780
improve them by human action.

433
00:47:32.780 --> 00:47:40.940
It is a reflection on nature, not on the free market, that everyone is free to starve.

434
00:47:40.940 --> 00:47:46.740
Economics demonstrates that individuals entering into mutual relations in a free market in

435
00:47:46.740 --> 00:47:54.300
a free society, and only in such relations, can provide abundance for themselves and for

436
00:47:54.300 --> 00:47:56.220
the entire society.

437
00:47:56.220 --> 00:48:04.720
Free, as always in this book, is used in the interpersonal sense of being unmolested by other persons.

438
00:48:04.720 --> 00:48:13.020
To employ freedom as itself equivalent to abundance obstructs understanding of these truths.

439
00:48:13.020 --> 00:48:20.220
The free market in the world of production may be termed free competition or free entry,

440
00:48:20.220 --> 00:48:28.620
Meaning that in a free society anyone is free to compete and produce in any field he chooses.

441
00:48:28.620 --> 00:48:34.980
Free competition is the application of liberty to the sphere of production, the freedom to

442
00:48:34.980 --> 00:48:43.700
buy, sell and transform one's property without violent interference by an external power.

443
00:48:43.700 --> 00:48:51.400
We have seen that in a regime of free competition, consumer satisfaction will, at any time, tend

444
00:48:51.400 --> 00:48:56.300
to be at the maximum possible given natural conditions.

445
00:48:56.300 --> 00:49:02.600
The best forecasters will tend to emerge as the dominant entrepreneurs, and if anyone

446
00:49:02.600 --> 00:49:09.260
sees an opportunity passed up, he is free to take advantage of his superior foresight.

447
00:49:09.260 --> 00:49:16.980
The regime that tends to maximize consumers' satisfaction, therefore, is not pure competition,

448
00:49:16.980 --> 00:49:25.020
or perfect competition, or competition without cartel action, or anything other than one

449
00:49:25.020 --> 00:49:28.680
of simple economic liberty.

450
00:49:28.680 --> 00:49:36.060
Some critics charge that there is no real free entry or free competition in a free market,

451
00:49:36.060 --> 00:49:41.940
Or how can anyone compete or enter a field when an enormous amount of money is needed

452
00:49:41.940 --> 00:49:45.500
to invest in efficient plants and firms?

453
00:49:45.500 --> 00:49:52.280
It is easy to enter the pushcart peddling industry because so little capital is required,

454
00:49:52.280 --> 00:49:58.140
but it is almost impossible to establish a new automobile firm with its heavy requirements

455
00:49:58.140 --> 00:50:00.220
of capital.

456
00:50:00.220 --> 00:50:06.700
This argument is but another variant of the prevailing confusion between freedom and abundance.

457
00:50:06.700 --> 00:50:13.200
In this case the abundance refers to the money capital which a man has been able to amass.

458
00:50:13.200 --> 00:50:19.200
Every man is perfectly free to become a baseball player, but this freedom does not imply that

459
00:50:19.200 --> 00:50:23.440
he will be as good a baseball player as the next man.

460
00:50:23.440 --> 00:50:30.680
A man's range or power of action dependent on his ability and the exchange value of his

461
00:50:30.680 --> 00:50:35.920
property is something completely distinct from his freedom.

462
00:50:35.920 --> 00:50:42.840
As we have said, a free society will in the long run lead to general abundance and is

463
00:50:42.840 --> 00:50:46.280
the necessary condition for that abundance.

464
00:50:46.280 --> 00:50:54.520
But the two must be kept conceptually distinct and not confused by phrases such as real freedom

465
00:50:54.520 --> 00:50:56.560
or true freedom.

466
00:50:56.560 --> 00:51:03.240
Therefore, the fact that everyone is free to enter an industry does not mean that everyone

467
00:51:03.240 --> 00:51:10.340
is able, either in terms of personal qualities or monetary capital, to do so.

468
00:51:10.340 --> 00:51:16.260
In industries requiring more capital, fewer people will be able to take advantage of the

469
00:51:16.260 --> 00:51:43.260
In fact, the disability is much more relevant in the case of labor than in the case of business competition.

470
00:51:43.260 --> 00:51:49.980
What are modern devices such as corporations, but means of pooling capital by many people

471
00:51:49.980 --> 00:51:52.720
of greater and lesser wealth?

472
00:51:52.720 --> 00:51:58.700
The difficulty of investing in a new automobile firm should be considered not in terms of

473
00:51:58.700 --> 00:52:04.760
the hundreds of millions of dollars required for total investment, but in terms of the

474
00:52:04.760 --> 00:52:10.080
fifty or so dollars required to purchase one share of stock.

475
00:52:10.080 --> 00:52:17.280
And while capital can be pooled, beginning with the smallest units, labor ability cannot

476
00:52:17.280 --> 00:52:19.080
be pooled.

477
00:52:19.080 --> 00:52:22.480
Sometimes the argument reaches absurd lengths.

478
00:52:22.480 --> 00:52:28.760
For example, it is often asserted that now, in this modern world, firms are so large that

479
00:52:28.760 --> 00:52:36.600
new people cannot compete or enter the industry because the capital cannot be raised.

480
00:52:36.600 --> 00:52:42.680
These critics do not seem to see that the aggregate capital and wealth of individuals

481
00:52:42.680 --> 00:52:49.800
have advanced along with the increase in wealth required to launch a new enterprise.

482
00:52:49.800 --> 00:52:53.700
In fact, these are two sides of the same coin.

483
00:52:53.700 --> 00:52:59.000
There is no reason to suppose that it was easier to raise the capital to launch a new

484
00:52:59.000 --> 00:53:06.520
retail shop many centuries ago than it is to raise capital for the automobile firm today.

485
00:53:06.520 --> 00:53:12.240
If there is enough capital to finance the large firms currently existing, there is enough

486
00:53:12.240 --> 00:53:14.160
to finance one more.

487
00:53:14.160 --> 00:53:21.360
In fact, capital could be withdrawn from existing large firms and shifted to new ones, if there

488
00:53:21.360 --> 00:53:23.040
is a need for them.

489
00:53:23.040 --> 00:53:28.800
Of course, if the new enterprise would be unprofitable and therefore unserviceable to

490
00:53:28.800 --> 00:53:34.640
consumers, it is easy to see why there is reluctance in the free market to embark on

491
00:53:34.640 --> 00:53:36.480
the venture.

492
00:53:36.480 --> 00:53:43.200
That there is inequality of ability or monetary income on the free market should surprise

493
00:53:43.200 --> 00:53:44.440
no one.

494
00:53:44.440 --> 00:53:51.720
As we have seen, men are not equal in their tastes, interests, abilities or locations.

495
00:53:51.720 --> 00:53:55.960
Resources are not distributed equally over the earth.

496
00:53:55.960 --> 00:54:00.080
Clearly, the very term equal is unusable here.

497
00:54:00.080 --> 00:54:06.800
What does it mean to say that Lawyer Jones' ability is equal to Teacher Smith's?

498
00:54:06.800 --> 00:54:14.720
This inequality or diversity in abilities and distribution of resources ensures inequality

499
00:54:14.720 --> 00:54:21.240
of income on the free market, and since a man's monetary assets are derived from his

500
00:54:21.240 --> 00:54:27.680
and his ancestors' abilities in serving consumers on the market, it is not surprising that there

501
00:54:27.680 --> 00:54:32.080
There is Inequality of Monetary Wealth as well.

502
00:54:32.080 --> 00:54:39.200
The term free competition, then, will prove misleading unless it is interpreted to mean

503
00:54:39.200 --> 00:54:47.920
free action, that is, freedom to compete or not to compete as the individual wills.

504
00:54:47.920 --> 00:54:53.760
It should be clear from the foregoing discussion that there is nothing particularly reprehensible

505
00:54:53.760 --> 00:55:00.100
Profitable or destructive of consumer freedom in the establishment of a monopoly price or

506
00:55:00.100 --> 00:55:02.240
in a cartel action.

507
00:55:02.240 --> 00:55:09.200
A cartel action, if it is a voluntary one, cannot injure freedom of competition and,

508
00:55:09.200 --> 00:55:14.280
if it proves profitable, benefits rather than injures the consumers.

509
00:55:14.280 --> 00:55:20.360
It is perfectly consonant with a free society, with individual self-sovereignty, and with

510
00:55:20.360 --> 00:55:24.460
with the earning of money through serving consumers.

511
00:55:24.460 --> 00:55:30.120
As Benjamin R. Tucker brilliantly concluded in dealing with the problem of cartels and

512
00:55:30.120 --> 00:55:37.040
competition, that the right to cooperate is as unquestionable as the right to compete.

513
00:55:37.040 --> 00:55:42.740
The right to compete involves the right to refrain from competition.

514
00:55:42.740 --> 00:55:48.820
Cooperation is often a method of competition, and competition is always in the larger view

515
00:55:48.820 --> 00:55:56.780
a method of cooperation, each is a legitimate, orderly, non-invasive exercise of the individual

516
00:55:56.780 --> 00:56:01.260
will under the social law of equal liberty.

517
00:56:01.260 --> 00:56:07.780
Viewed in the light of these irrefutable propositions, the trust, then, like every other industrial

518
00:56:07.780 --> 00:56:14.260
combination endeavouring to do collectively nothing but what each member of the combination

519
00:56:14.260 --> 00:56:21.540
might fully endeavor to do individually, is per se an unimpeachable institution.

520
00:56:21.540 --> 00:56:28.620
To assail or control or deny this form of cooperation on the ground that it is itself

521
00:56:28.620 --> 00:56:32.340
a denial of competition is an absurdity.

522
00:56:32.340 --> 00:56:36.140
It is an absurdity because it proves too much.

523
00:56:36.140 --> 00:56:43.100
The trust is a denial of competition in no other sense than that in which competition

524
00:56:43.100 --> 00:56:46.860
Competition itself is a denial of competition.

525
00:56:46.860 --> 00:56:54.380
The trust denies competition only by producing and selling more cheaply than those outside

526
00:56:54.380 --> 00:56:57.440
of the trust can produce and sell.

527
00:56:57.440 --> 00:57:04.620
But in that sense, every successful individual competitor also denies competition.

528
00:57:04.620 --> 00:57:11.220
The fact is that there is one denial of competition which is the right of all, and that there

529
00:57:11.220 --> 00:57:16.380
There is another denial of competition which is the right of none.

530
00:57:16.380 --> 00:57:23.780
All of us, whether out of a trust or in it, have a right to deny competition by competing,

531
00:57:23.780 --> 00:57:30.060
but none of us, whether in a trust or out of it, have a right to deny competition by

532
00:57:30.060 --> 00:57:39.280
arbitrary decree, by interference with voluntary effort, by forcible suppression of initiative.

533
00:57:39.280 --> 00:57:46.560
This is not to say, of course, that joint cooperation or combination is necessarily better than

534
00:57:46.560 --> 00:57:48.920
competition among firms.

535
00:57:48.920 --> 00:57:56.080
We simply conclude that the relative extent of areas within or between firms on the free

536
00:57:56.080 --> 00:58:03.920
market will be precisely that proportion most conducive to the well-being of consumers and

537
00:58:03.920 --> 00:58:05.820
producers alike.

538
00:58:05.820 --> 00:58:12.220
This is the same as our previous conclusion that the size of a firm will tend to be established

539
00:58:12.220 --> 00:58:16.420
at the level most serviceable to the consumers.

540
00:58:16.420 --> 00:58:21.140
Does our discussion imply that whatever is, is right?

541
00:58:21.140 --> 00:58:27.340
We cannot enter into a discussion of the relation of economics to ethics at this point, but

542
00:58:27.340 --> 00:58:34.460
we can state briefly that our answer, pertaining to the free market, is a qualified yes.

543
00:58:34.460 --> 00:58:41.380
Specifically our statement would be, given the ends on the value scales of individuals

544
00:58:41.380 --> 00:58:49.000
as revealed by their real actions, the maximum satisfaction of those ends for every person

545
00:58:49.000 --> 00:58:52.420
is achieved only on the free market.

546
00:58:52.420 --> 00:58:59.140
Whether individuals have the proper ends or not is another question entirely and cannot

547
00:58:59.140 --> 00:59:02.420
be decided by economics.

548
00:59:02.420 --> 00:59:10.320
F. The Problem of One Big Cartel The myth of the evil cartel has been greatly

549
00:59:10.320 --> 00:59:15.600
bolstered by the nightmare image of one big cartel.

550
00:59:15.600 --> 00:59:21.860
This is all very well, one may say, but suppose that all the firms in the country amalgamated

551
00:59:21.860 --> 00:59:25.940
or cartelized into one big cartel.

552
00:59:25.940 --> 00:59:28.120
What of the horrors then?

553
00:59:28.120 --> 00:59:34.020
The answer can be obtained by referring to Chapter 9, where we saw that the free market

554
00:59:34.020 --> 00:59:40.600
placed definite limits on the size of the firm, that is, the limits of calculability

555
00:59:40.600 --> 00:59:42.220
on the market.

556
00:59:42.220 --> 00:59:48.980
In order to calculate the profits and losses of each branch, a firm must be able to refer

557
00:59:48.980 --> 00:59:57.560
its internal operations to external markets for each of the various factors and intermediate

558
00:59:57.560 --> 01:00:06.560
When any of these external markets disappears, because all are absorbed within the province of a single firm,

559
01:00:06.560 --> 01:00:15.560
calculability disappears, and there is no way for the firm rationally to allocate factors to that specific area.

560
01:00:15.560 --> 01:00:22.560
The more these limits are encroached upon, the greater and greater will be the sphere of irrationality,

561
01:00:22.560 --> 01:00:26.560
and the more difficult it will be to avoid losses.

562
01:00:26.560 --> 01:00:36.960
One big cartel would not be able rationally to allocate producers' goods at all, and hence could not avoid severe losses.

563
01:00:36.960 --> 01:00:44.460
Consequently, it could never really be established, and, if tried, would quickly break asunder.

564
01:00:44.460 --> 01:00:54.260
In the production sphere, socialism is equivalent to one big cartel, compulsorily organized and controlled by the state.

565
01:00:54.260 --> 01:01:01.060
If all the factors and resources are absolutely controlled by the state, it makes little difference

566
01:01:01.060 --> 01:01:05.000
if legally the state owns these resources.

567
01:01:05.000 --> 01:01:12.840
For ownership connotes control, and if the nominal owner is coercively deprived of control,

568
01:01:12.840 --> 01:01:18.180
it is the controller who is the real owner of the resource.

569
01:01:18.180 --> 01:01:23.920
Those who advocate socialist central planning as the more efficient method of production

570
01:01:23.920 --> 01:01:31.760
for Consumer Wants, must answer the question, if this central planning is really more efficient,

571
01:01:31.760 --> 01:01:37.560
why has it not been established by profit-seeking individuals on the free market?

572
01:01:37.560 --> 01:01:44.020
The fact that one big cartel has never been formed voluntarily, and that it needs the

573
01:01:44.020 --> 01:01:50.000
coercive might of the state to be formed, demonstrates that it could not possibly be

574
01:01:50.000 --> 01:02:02.320
Let us assume for a moment that one big cartel could be established on the free market and

575
01:02:02.320 --> 01:02:05.860
that the calculability problem does not arise.

576
01:02:05.860 --> 01:02:09.020
What would the economic consequences be?

577
01:02:09.020 --> 01:02:12.600
Would the cartel be able to exploit anyone?

578
01:02:12.600 --> 01:02:18.720
In the first place, consumers could not be exploited, for consumers' demand would still

579
01:02:18.720 --> 01:02:26.300
will be elastic or inelastic, as the case may be, since, as we shall see further, consumers'

580
01:02:26.300 --> 01:02:32.880
demand for a firm is always elastic above the free market equilibrium price.

581
01:02:32.880 --> 01:02:40.260
It follows that the cartel will not be able to raise prices or earn more from consumers.

582
01:02:40.260 --> 01:02:41.960
What about the factors?

583
01:02:41.960 --> 01:02:46.120
Could not their owners be exploited by the cartel?

584
01:02:46.120 --> 01:02:51.960
In the first place, the universal cartel, to be effective, would have to include owners

585
01:02:51.960 --> 01:02:53.880
of primary land.

586
01:02:53.880 --> 01:02:59.040
Otherwise whatever gains they might have might be imputed to land.

587
01:02:59.040 --> 01:03:06.320
To put it in its strongest terms, then, could a universal cartel of all land and capital

588
01:03:06.320 --> 01:03:13.840
goods exploit laborers by systematically paying the latter less than their discounted marginal

589
01:03:13.840 --> 01:03:15.600
value products?

590
01:03:15.600 --> 01:03:21.300
Did not the members of the cartel agree to pay a very low sum to these workers?

591
01:03:21.300 --> 01:03:27.380
If that happened, however, there would be created great opportunities for entrepreneurs

592
01:03:27.380 --> 01:03:34.420
either to spring up outside the cartel, or to break away from the cartel and profit by

593
01:03:34.420 --> 01:03:37.780
hiring workers for a higher wage.

594
01:03:37.780 --> 01:03:44.620
This competition would have the double effect of a, breaking up the universal cartel, and

595
01:03:44.620 --> 01:03:50.480
and be tending again to yield to the laborers their marginal product.

596
01:03:50.480 --> 01:03:57.200
As long as competition is free, unhampered by governmental restrictions, no universal

597
01:03:57.200 --> 01:04:03.860
cartel could either exploit labor or remain universal for any length of time.
