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NOTE 11.14. The Fallacy of Measuring and Stabilizing the PPM

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14. The Fallacy of Measuring and Stabilizing the PPM

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a. Measurement

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In olden times before the development of economic science, people naively assumed that the value

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of money remained always unchanged. Value was assumed to be an objective quantity in

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and money was the measure, the fixed yardstick of the values of goods and their changes.

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The value of the monetary unit, its purchasing power with respect to other goods, was assumed

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to be fixed.

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Conventional accounting practice is based on a fixed value of the monetary unit.

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The analogy of a fixed standard of measurement which had become familiar to the natural sciences

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– weight, length, etc. – was unthinkingly applied to human action.

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Economists then discovered and made clear that money does not remain stable in value,

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that the PPM does not remain fixed.

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The PPM can and does vary in response to changes in the supply of or the demand for money.

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These in turn can be resolved into the stock of goods and the total demand for money.

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Individual money prices, as we have seen in section 8, are determined by the stock of

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and demand for money, as well as by the stock of and demand for each good.

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It is clear, then, that the money relation, and the demand for, and the stock of, each

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individual good, are intertwined in each particular price transaction.

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Thus, when Smith decides whether or not to purchase a hat for two gold ounces, he weighs

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the utility of the hat against the utility of the two ounces.

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Entering into every price, then, is the stock of the good, the stock of money, and the

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The demand for money and the good, both ultimately based on individual's utilities.

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The money relation is contained in particular price demands and supplies, and cannot in

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practice be separated from them.

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If then there is a change in the supply of or demand for money, the change will not be

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are neutral, but will affect different specific demands for goods and different prices in varying proportions.

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There is no way of separately measuring changes in the PPM and changes in the specific prices of goods.

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The fact that the use of money as a medium of exchange enables us to calculate relative exchange ratios

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has misled some economists into believing that separate measurement of changes in the PPM is possible.

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Thus, we could say that one hat is worth, or can exchange for, 100 pounds of sugar, or that one TV set can exchange for 50 hats.

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Hats. It is a temptation then to forget that these exchange ratios are purely hypothetical

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and can be realized in practice only through monetary exchanges, and to consider them as

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constituting some barter world of their own. In this mythical world the exchange ratios between

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the various goods are somehow determined separately from the monetary transactions,

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And it then becomes more plausible to say that some sort of method can be found

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of isolating the value of money from these relative values and establishing the former

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as a constant yardstick. Actually, this barter world is a pure figment. These relative ratios

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are only historical expressions of past transactions that can be affected only by and with money.

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Let us now assume that the following is the array of prices in the PPM on day one.

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10 cents per pound of sugar, $10 per hat, $500 per TV set, $5 per hour legal service of Mr. Jones, lawyer.

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Now, suppose the following array of prices of the same goods on day two.

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15 cents per pound of sugar, $20 per hat, $300 per TV set, $8 per hour of Mr. Jones' legal service.

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Now, what can economics say has happened to the PPM over these two periods?

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All that we can legitimately say is that now $1 can buy 1 20th of a hat instead of 1 10th of a hat,

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1 300th of a TV set instead of 1 500th of a set, etc.

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Thus we can describe, if we know the figures, what happened to each individual price in the market array.

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But how much of the price rise of the hat was due to a rise in the demand for hats,

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and how much to a fall in the demand for money?

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There is no way of answering such a question. We do not even know for certain whether the PPM

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has risen or declined. All we do know is that the purchasing power of money has fallen in terms of

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sugar, hats and legal services, and risen in terms of TV sets. Even if all the prices in the array

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If the supply of money changed during this interval, we would not know how much of the change was due to the increased supply and how much to the other determinants.

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Changes are taking place all the time in each of these determinants.

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In the real world of human action, there is no one determinant that can be used as a fixed

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benchmark.

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The whole situation is changing in response to changes in stocks of resources and products,

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and to the changes in the valuations of all the individuals on the market.

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In fact, one lesson above all should be kept in mind when considering the claims of the

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various groups of mathematical economists.

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In human action, there are no quantitative constants.

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Professor Mises has pointed out that the assertion of the mathematical economists that their

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Where task is made difficult by the existence of many variables in human action, Grossly

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understates the problem, for the point is that all the determinants are variables, and

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that in contrast to the natural sciences, there are no constants.

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As a necessary corollary, all praxeological economic laws are qualitative, not quantitative.

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The index number method of measuring changes in the PPM attempts to conjure up some sort

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of totality of goods whose exchange ratios remain constant among themselves so that a

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and a kind of general averaging will enable a separate measurement of changes in the PPM itself.

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We have seen, however, that such separation or measurement is impossible.

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The only attempt to use index numbers that has any plausibility is the construction of fixed-quantity weights for a base period.

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Each price is weighted by the quantity of the goods sold in the base period.

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These weighted quantities representing a typical market basket proportion of goods bought in

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that period.

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The difficulties in such a market basket concept are insuperable, however.

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Aside from the considerations mentioned earlier, there is in the first place no average buyer

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or housewife.

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There are only individual buyers, and each buyer has bought a different proportion and

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type of goods.

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If one person purchases a TV set and another goes to the movies, each activity is the result

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of differing value scales, and each has different effects on the various commodities.

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There is no average person who goes partly to the movies and buys part of a TV set.

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There is therefore no average housewife buying some given proportion of a totality of goods.

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Goods are not bought in their totality against money, but only by individuals in individual

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Transactions, and therefore there can be no scientific method of combining them.

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Secondly, even if there were meaning to the market basket concept, the utilities of the

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goods in the basket, as well as the basket proportions themselves, are always changing,

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and this completely eliminates any possibility of a meaningful constant with which to measure

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price changes.

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The non-existent typical housewife would have to have constant valuations as well, an impossibility

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in the real world of change.

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All sorts of index numbers have been spawned in a vain attempt to surmount these difficulties.

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Quantity weights have been chosen that vary for each year covered.

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Arithmetical, geometrical and harmonic averages have been taken at variable and fixed weights,

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ideal formulas have been explored, all with no realization of the futility of these endeavors.

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No such index number, no attempt to separate and measure prices and quantities can be valid.

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B. Stabilization.

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The knowledge that the purchasing power of money could vary led some economists to try

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to improve on the free market by creating, in some way, a monetary unit which would remain

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stable and constant in its purchasing power.

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All these stabilization plans, of course, involve in one way or another an attack on

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from the gold or other commodity standard, since the value of gold fluctuates as a result

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of the continual changes in the supply of and the demand for gold.

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The stabilizers want the government to keep an arbitrary index of prices constant by pumping

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money into the economy when the index falls and taking money out when it rises.

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The outstanding proponent of stable money, Irving Fisher, revealed the reason for his

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urge toward stabilization in the following autobiographical passage.

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I became increasingly aware of the imperative need of a stable yardstick of value.

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I had come into economics from mathematical physics, in which fixed units of measure contribute

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the essential starting point.

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Apparently, Fisher did not realize that there could be fundamental differences in the nature

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of the sciences of physics and of purposeful human action.

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It is difficult indeed to understand what the advantages of a stable value of money

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are supposed to be.

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One of the most frequently cited advantages, for example, is that debtors will no longer

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will no longer be harmed by unforeseen rises in the value of money, while creditors will

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no longer be harmed by unforeseen declines in its value.

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Yet if creditors and debtors want such a hedge against future changes, they have an easy

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way out on the free market.

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When they make their contracts, they can agree that repayment be made in a sum of money corrected

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by some agreed-upon index number of changes in the value of money.

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Such a voluntary tabular standard for business contracts has long been advocated by stabilizationists,

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who have been rather puzzled to find that a course which appears to them so beneficial

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is almost never adopted in business practice.

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Despite the multitude of index numbers and other schemes that have been proposed to businessmen

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by these economists, creditors and debtors have somehow failed to take advantage of them.

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Yet, while stabilization plans have made no headway among the groups that they would supposedly

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benefit the most, the stabilizationists have remained undaunted in their zeal to force

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There seem to be two basic reasons for this failure of business to adopt a tabular standard.

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A. As we have seen, there is no scientific objective means of measuring changes in the

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value of money.

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Scientifically, one index number is just as arbitrary and bad as any other.

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Federal creditors and debtors have not been able to agree on any one index number, therefore,

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that they can abide by as a measure of change in purchasing power.

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Each, according to his own interests, would insist on including different commodities

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at different weights in his index number.

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Thus, a debtor who is a wheat farmer would want to weigh the price of wheat heavily in

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in his Index of the Purchasing Power of Money, a creditor who goes often to nightclubs would

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want to hedge against the price of nightclub entertainment, etc.

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b.

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A second reason is that businessmen apparently prefer to take their chances in a speculative

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world rather than agree on some sort of arbitrary hedging device.

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Stock exchange speculators and commodity speculators are continually attempting to forecast future prices, and indeed, all entrepreneurs are engaged in anticipating the uncertain conditions of the market.

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Apparently, businessmen are willing to be entrepreneurs in anticipating future changes in purchasing power as well as any other changes.

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The failure of business to adopt voluntarily any sort of tabular standard seems to demonstrate the complete lack of merit in compulsory stabilization schemes.

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Setting this argument aside, however, let us examine the contention of the stabilizers that somehow they can create certainty in the purchasing power of money,

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while at the same time leaving freedom and uncertainty in the prices of particular goods.

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This is sometimes expressed in the statement,

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individual prices should be left free to change, the price level should be fixed and constant.

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This contention rests on the myth that some sort of general purchasing power of money

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or some sort of price level exists on a plane apart from specific prices in specific transactions.

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As we have seen, this is purely fallacious. There is no price level and there is no way that the

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exchange value of money is manifested except in specific purchases of goods, that is, specific

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Prices. There is no way of separating the two concepts. Any array of prices establishes,

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at one and the same time, an exchange relation, or objective exchange value, between one good

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and another, and between money and a good. And there is no way of separating these elements

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It is thus clear that the exchange value of money cannot be quantitatively separated from the exchange value of goods.

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Since the general exchange value, or PPM, of money cannot be quantitatively defined and isolated in any historical situation,

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and its changes cannot be defined or measured, it is obvious that it cannot be kept stable.

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If we do not know what something is, we cannot very well act to keep it constant.

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The fact that the purchasing power of the monetary unit is not quantitatively definable

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does not negate the fact of its existence, which is established by prior praxeological knowledge.

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It thereby differs, for example, from the competitive price-monopoly-price dichotomy, which cannot be independently established by praxeological deduction for free market conditions.

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We have seen that the ideal of a stabilized value of money is impossible to attain or even define.

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If it were attainable, however, what would be the result?

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Supposed, for example, that the purchasing power of money rises and that we disregard

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the problem of measuring the rise, why, if this is the result of action on an unhampered

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market, should we consider it a bad result?

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If the total supply of money in the community has remained constant, falling prices will

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will be caused by a general increase in the demand for money, or by an increase in the

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supply of goods as a result of increased productivity.

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An increased demand for money stems from the free choice of individuals, say, in the expectation

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of a more troubled future, or of future price declines.

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Human Action would deprive people of the chance to increase their real cash holdings and the

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real value of the dollar by free, mutually agreed-upon actions.

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As in any other aspect of the free market, those entrepreneurs who successfully anticipate

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the increased demand will benefit, and those who err will lose in their speculations.

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and even the losses of the latter are purely the consequence of their own voluntarily assumed risks.

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Furthermore, falling prices resulting from increased productivity are beneficial to all

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and are precisely the means by which the fruits of industrial progress spread on the free market.

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Any interference with falling prices blocks the spread of the fruits of an advancing economy

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and then real wages could increase only in particular industries and not, as on the free market, over the economy as a whole.

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Similarly, stabilization would deprive people of the chance to decrease their real cash holdings and the real value of the dollar should their demand for money fall.

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The Intertwining of General Purchasing Power and Specific Prices raises another consideration.

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For money could not be pumped into the system to combat a supposed increase in the value

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of money without distorting the previous exchange values between the various goods.

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We have seen that money cannot be neutral with respect to goods and that therefore the

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whole price structure will change with any change in the supply of money.

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Hence, the stabilizationist program of fixing the value of money, or price level, without

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distorting relative prices, is necessarily doomed to failure.

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It is an impossible program.

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Thus, even were it possible to define and measure changes in the purchasing power of

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money, stabilization of this value would have effects that many advocates consider

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are undesirable, but the magnitudes cannot even be defined, and stabilization would depend

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on some sort of arbitrary index number.

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Whichever commodities and weights are included in the index, pricing and production will

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be distorted.

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At the heart of the stabilizationist ideal is a misunderstanding of the nature of money.

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Money is considered either a mere numeraire or a grandiose measure of values.

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Forgotten is the truth that money is desired and demanded as a useful commodity, even when

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this use is only as a medium of exchange.

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When a man holds money in his cash balance, he is deriving utility from it.

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Those who neglect this fact scoff at the gold standard as a primitive anachronism and fail

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to realize that hoarding performs a useful social function.
