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NOTE 12.08. Binary Intervention: Taxation

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8. Binary Intervention, Taxation

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a. Income Taxation

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Taxation as we have seen takes from producers and gives to others. Any increase in taxation

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swells the resources, the incomes, and usually the numbers of those living off the producers,

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while diminishing the production base from which these others are drawing their sustenance.

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Clearly, this is eventually a self-defeating process.

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There is a limit beyond which the top-heavy burden can no longer be carried by the diminishing stock of producers.

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Narrower limits are also imposed by the disincentive effects of taxation.

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The greater the amount of taxes imposed on the producers, the taxpayers, the lower the marginal utility of work will be, for the returns from work are forcibly diminished, and the greater the marginal utility of leisure foregone.

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Not only that, the greater will be the incentive to shift from the ranks of the burdened taxpayers

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to the ranks of the tax consumers, either as full-time bureaucrats or as those subsidized

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by the government.

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As a result, production will diminish even further as people retreat to leisure or scramble

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harder to join the ranks of the privileged tax consumers.

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In the less developed countries where a money economy is still emerging from barter, any

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given amount of taxation will have a still more drastic effect, for it will make monetary

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incomes much less worthwhile and will shift people's efforts from trying to make money

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back to untaxed barter arrangements.

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Taxation can therefore decisively retard development from a barter to a monetary economy, or even

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These incomes will diminish.

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The laborer, faced with a tax on his wages, has less incentive to work hard.

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The capitalist, confronting a tax on his interest or profit return, has more incentive to consume,

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rather than to save and invest.

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The landlord, a tax being imposed on his rents, will have less of a spur to allocate land

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sites efficiently.

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It has been objected that since a man's marginal utility of money assets increases as he holds

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less of a stock of money, lower money income will mean an increased marginal utility of

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income.

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As a result, a tax on money incomes creates both a substitution effect against work and

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and in favor of leisure or against saving in favor of consumption and an income effect

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working in the opposite direction.

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This is true and in rare empirical cases the latter effect will predominate.

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In plain language this means that when extra penalties are placed upon man's efforts he

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will generally slacken them but in some cases he will work harder to try to offset the burdens.

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In the latter cases, however, we must remember that he will lose the valuable consumption

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good of leisure.

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He will have less leisure now than he would have if his choices were still free.

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Working harder under penalty is only a cause for rejoicing if we regard the matter exclusively

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from the point of view of those living off the producers, who will thereby benefit from

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the tax.

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The standard of living of the workers, which must include leisure, has fallen.

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The income tax, by taxing income from investments, cripples saving and investment, since it lowers

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the return from investing below what free market time preferences would dictate.

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The lower net interest return leads people to bring their savings investment into line

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with the new realities.

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In short, the marginal savings and investments at the higher return will now be valued below

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consumption and will no longer be made.

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There is another unheralded reason why an income tax will particularly penalize saving

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and investment as against consumption.

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It might be thought that since the income tax confiscates a certain portion of a man's

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Income, and leaves him free to allocate the rest between consumption and investment, and

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since time preference schedules remain given, the proportion of consumption to saving will

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remain unchanged.

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But this ignores the fact that the taxpayer's real income and the real value of his monetary

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assets have been lowered by paying the tax.

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We have seen in Chapter 6 that given a man's time preference schedule, the lower the level

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of his real monetary assets, the higher his time preference rate will be, and therefore

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the higher the proportion of his consumption to investment.

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Under income taxation, he shifts to a higher proportion of consumption, and a lower proportion

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of saving and investment.

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For this shift to occur, the individual's real monetary assets must decline, not just

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the nominal amount in terms of money.

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If then, instead of this tax, there is deflation in the society, and the value of the monetary

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unit increases roughly proportionately everywhere, then the nominal fall in each individual's

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Money stock will not be a real fall, and hence effective time preference ratios will remain

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unchanged.

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In the case of income taxation, deflation will not occur, since the government will

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spend the revenue rather than contract the money supply.

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Even in the rare case where all the tax money is liquidated by the government, the individuals

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Socials taxed will lose more than others and hence will lose some real monetary assets.

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We have now seen two reasons why an income tax will shift the social proportion toward

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more consumption and less saving and investment.

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It might be objected that the time preference reason is invalid, since the government officials

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People and the people they subsidize will receive the tax revenues and find that their

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money stock has increased just as that of the taxpayers has declined.

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We shall see, however, that no truly productive savings and investments can be made by government,

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its employees, or the recipients of its subsidies.

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Some economists maintain that income taxation reduces savings and investment in society

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in yet a third way.

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They assert that income taxation, by its very nature, imposes a double tax on savings investment

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as against consumption.

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Double is used in the sense of two instances, not arithmetically twice.

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The reasoning runs as follows.

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Saving and consumption are really not symmetrical.

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All saving is directed toward enjoying more consumption in the future, otherwise there

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would be no point at all to saving.

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Saving is abstaining from possible present consumption in return for the expectation

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of increased consumption at some time in the future.

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No one wants capital goods for their own sake.

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They are only the embodiment of increased consumption in the future.

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Saving investment is Crusoe's building the stick to obtain more apples at a future date.

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It fructifies in higher consumption later.

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Hence, the imposition of an income tax is a double tax on consumption and excessively

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penalizes saving and investment.

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These economists generally conclude that not income but only consumption should be taxed

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as the only real income.

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This line of reasoning correctly explains the investment consumption process.

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It suffers, however, from a grave defect.

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It is irrelevant to problems of taxation.

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It is true that saving is a fructifying agent.

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But the point is that everyone knows this.

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That is precisely why people save.

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Yet even though they know that saving is a fructifying agent, they do not save all their

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income.

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Why?

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Because of their time preferences for present consumption.

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Every individual, given his current income and value scales, allocates that income in

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in the most desirable proportions between consumption, investment and additions to his cash balance.

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Any other allocation would satisfy his desires less well, and lower his position on his value

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scale.

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The fructifying power of saving is already taken into account when he makes his allocation.

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There is, therefore, no reason to say that an income tax doubly penalizes saving investment.

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It penalizes the individual's entire standard of living, encompassing present consumption,

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future consumption, and his cash balance.

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It does not, per se, penalize saving any more than the other avenues of income allocation.

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This Irving Fisher argument reflects a curious tendency among economists devoted to the free

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market to be far more concerned about governmental measures penalizing saving and investment

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than they are about measures hobbling consumption.

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Surely, an economist favoring the free market must grant that the market's voluntary consumption

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and investment allocations are optimal and that any government interference in this proportion

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from either direction is distortive of that market and of production to meet the wants

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of the consumers.

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There is nothing, after all, particularly sacred about savings.

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They are simply the road to future consumption.

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But they are, then, clearly no more important than present consumption.

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The allocations between the two being determined by the time preferences of all individuals.

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The economist who balks more at interference with free market savings than he does at infringement

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on free market consumption is therefore implicitly advocating statist interference in the opposite

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direction.

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He is implicitly calling for a coerced distortion of resources to lower consumption and increase

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and Investment.

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The bias in favor of investment or growth as against present consumption is similar to

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the conservationist attack on present consumption.

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What is so worthy about future consumption and so unworthy about consuming in the present?

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Perhaps what we have here is an illicit smuggling of the less rational aspects of the Protestant

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Ethic into Economic Science, of the many problems involved we may mention one here.

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What non-arbitrary quantitative standards for thrift can the economist establish once

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the free market's decision is overridden?

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B. Attempts at Neutral Taxation.

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So far we have discussed the impact of a tax on an individual considered by himself.

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Equally important is the distortion of the market's pattern of factor prices and incomes,

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created by the way taxes bear down upon different people.

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The free market determines an intricate, almost infinite array and structure of prices, rates

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and incomes.

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The imposition of different taxes disrupts these patterns and cripples the market's

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work of allocating resources and output.

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Thus, if Firm A pays $5,000 a year for a certain type of labor, and Firm B pays $3,000, laborers will tend to shift from B to A, and thereby more efficiently serve the wants of consumers.

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But if the income earned at Firm A is taxed $2,000 per annum, while income at B is taxed

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negligibly or not at all, the market inducement to move from B to A will totally or virtually

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disappear, perpetuating a misallocation of productive resources and hampering the growth

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and even the existence of Firm A.

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We have seen that the quest for a neutral tax, a tax neutral to the market, leaving the market

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roughly as it was before the tax was imposed, is a hopeless venture.

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For there can be no uniformity in paying taxes, when some people in society are necessarily

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taxpayers while others are privileged tax consumers.

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But even if we disregard these objections and fail to consider the redistributionist effects

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of government spending out of tax revenues, we cannot arrive at a system of neutral taxation.

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This is true if we also disregard the grave conceptual difficulties of arriving at a

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definition of income in accounting for the imputed monetary value of work done within

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in a household, of averaging fluctuating incomes over various years, etc.

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Many writers have maintained that uniformly proportional income taxes for all would yield

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a neutral tax.

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For then, the relative ratios of incomes in society would remain the same as before.

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Thus, if A. received $6,000 a year, B. earned $3,000 and C. $2,000, a 10% tax on each man

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would yield a distribution of A. $5,400, B. $2,700, C. $1,800, the same mutual ratios

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as before.

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This assumes, of course, no disincentive effects of the tax on the various individuals, or

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rather, equi-proportional disincentive effects on each individual in the society, a most

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unlikely occurrence.

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But the trouble is that this solution misconceives the nature of what a neutral tax would have

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to be.

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For a tax truly neutral to the free market would not be one that left income patterns

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the same as before.

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It would be a tax which would affect the income pattern and all other aspects of the economy

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in the same way as if the tax were really a free market price.

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This is a very important correction, for we must surely realize that when a service is

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is sold at a certain price on the free market.

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This sale emphatically does not leave income distribution the same as before.

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For normally, market prices are not proportional to each man's income or wealth, but are uniform

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in the sense of equal to everyone, regardless of his income or wealth or even his eagerness

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for the product.

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A loaf of bread does not cost a multi-millionaire a thousand times as much as it costs the

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average man.

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If indeed the market really behaved in this way, there would soon be no market, for there

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would be no advantage whatever in earning money.

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The more money one earned, the more, peru-pasu, the price of every good would be raised to

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him.

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Therefore, the entire civilized money economy and the system of production and division of labor based upon it would break down.

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Far from being neutral to the free market, then, a proportional income tax follows a principle which, if consistently applied, would eradicate the market economy and the entire monetary economy itself.

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It is clear, then, that equal taxation of everyone, the so-called head tax or poll tax, would be a far closer approach to the goal of neutrality.

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But even here, there are serious flaws in its neutrality, entirely apart from the ineluctable taxpayer-tax-consumer dichotomy.

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For one thing, goods and services on the free market are purchased only by those freely

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willing to obtain them at the market price.

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Since a tax is a compulsory levy rather than a free purchase, it can never be assumed that

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each and every member of society would, in a free market, pay this equal sum to the government.

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In fact, the very compulsory nature of taxation implies that far less revenue would be paid

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into the government were it conducted in a voluntary manner.

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Rather than being neutral, therefore, the equal tax would distort market results by

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imposing undue levies on at least three groups of citizens, the poor, the uninterested, and

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Another grave problem in treating the equal tax as akin to a free market price is that

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we do not know what services of government the people are supposed to be purchasing.

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For example, if the government uses the tax to subsidize a certain favored group, it is

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It is difficult to know what sort of service the payers of the head tax are reaping from this act of government.

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But let us take a seemingly clear-cut case of pure service, police protection,

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and let us assume that the head tax is being paid for this expenditure.

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The free market rule is that equal prices are paid for equal services.

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But what here is an equal service?

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Surely the service of police protection is of far greater magnitude in an urban crime

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center than it is in some sleepy backwater where crime is rare.

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Police protection will certainly cost more in the crime-ridden area, hence if it were

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supplied on the market, the price paid there would be higher than in the backwater.

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Furthermore, a person under particular threat of crime and who might require greater surveillance

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would have to pay a higher police fee. A uniform tax would be below market price in the dangerous

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areas and above it in the peaceful areas. To approach neutrality then, a tax would have

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to vary in accordance with the costs of services and not be uniform.

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We are not here conceding that costs determine prices. The general array of final prices

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Prices determines the general array of cost prices, but then the viability of firms is

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determined by whether the price that people will pay for their particular products will

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be enough to cover the costs which are determined throughout the market.

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This is the neglected cost principle of taxation.

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The cost principle, however, is hardly neutral either.

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Apart from the inexorable taxpayer-tax-consumer problem, there is, again, the problem of how

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a service is to be defined and isolated.

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What is the service of redistribution from Peter to Paul, and what is the cost for which

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Peter is to be assessed?

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And even if we confine the discussion to such common services as police protection, there

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are grave flaws.

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In the first place, the costs of government, as we shall see further, are bound to be much

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higher than those of the free market.

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Secondly, the state cannot calculate well, and therefore cannot gauge its costs accurately.

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Thirdly, costs are equal to prices only in equilibrium.

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Since the economy is never in equilibrium, costs are never a precise estimate of what

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the free market price would have been.

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And finally, as in the equal tax, and in contrast to the free market, the taxpayer never demonstrates

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his benefit from the governmental act.

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It is simply and blithely assumed that he would have purchased the service voluntarily

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at this price.

238
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Still another attempt at neutral taxation is the benefit principle, which states that

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a tax should be levied equal to the benefit which the individuals receive from the government

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00:23:30.000 --> 00:23:31.320
service.

241
00:23:31.320 --> 00:23:37.260
It is not always realized what this principle would mean, for example, that recipients of

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of Government Welfare Benefits

243
00:24:07.260 --> 00:24:11.860
Like police protection, grave flaws still remain.

244
00:24:11.860 --> 00:24:17.700
Let us again disregard the persistent taxpayer-tax-consumer dichotomy.

245
00:24:17.700 --> 00:24:24.700
A fatal problem is that we cannot measure benefits or even know whether they exist.

246
00:24:24.700 --> 00:24:32.460
As in the head tax and cost principles, there is here no free market where people can demonstrate

247
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that they are receiving a benefit from the exchange greater than the value of the goods

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00:24:38.380 --> 00:24:39.900
they surrender.

249
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In fact, since taxes are levied by coercion, it is clear that people's benefits from

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00:24:46.020 --> 00:24:52.460
government are considerably less than the amount that they are required to pay, since,

251
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if left free, they would contribute less to government.

252
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The benefit, then, is simply assumed arbitrarily by government officials.

253
00:25:03.340 --> 00:25:10.100
Furthermore, even if the benefit were freely demonstrable, the benefit principle would

254
00:25:10.100 --> 00:25:13.740
not approach the process of the free market.

255
00:25:13.740 --> 00:25:21.140
For once again, individuals pay a uniform price for services on the free market, regardless

256
00:25:21.140 --> 00:25:24.740
of the extent of their subjective benefits.

257
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The man who would walk a mile for a camel pays no more ordinarily than the man who couldn't

258
00:25:30.700 --> 00:25:32.100
care less.

259
00:25:32.100 --> 00:25:38.880
To tax everyone in accordance with the benefit he receives, then, is diametrically opposed

260
00:25:38.880 --> 00:25:40.740
to the market principle.

261
00:25:40.740 --> 00:25:46.920
Finally, if everyone's benefit is taxed away, there would be no reason for him to make the

262
00:25:46.920 --> 00:25:50.960
exchange or to receive the government service.

263
00:25:50.960 --> 00:25:57.480
On the market, not all people, not even the marginal buyers, pay the full amount of their

264
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benefit.

265
00:25:58.480 --> 00:26:06.440
The supermarginal buyers obtain unmeasurable surplus benefit, and so do the marginal buyers,

266
00:26:06.440 --> 00:26:10.480
for without such a surplus they would not buy the product.

267
00:26:10.480 --> 00:26:17.160
Moreover, for such services as police protection, the benefit principle would require the poor

268
00:26:17.160 --> 00:26:23.440
for the Poor and the Infirm to pay more than the rich and the able, since the former may

269
00:26:23.440 --> 00:26:26.920
be said to benefit more from protection.

270
00:26:26.920 --> 00:26:33.900
Finally, it should be noted that if each person's benefit from government is to be taxed away,

271
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the bureaucrats who receive all their income from the government would have to return their

272
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whole salary to the government, and so serve without pay.

273
00:26:45.240 --> 00:26:51.600
Ever since Adam Smith, economists have tried fallaciously to use the benefit principle

274
00:26:51.600 --> 00:26:58.700
to justify proportional and even progressive taxation, on the ground that people benefit

275
00:26:58.700 --> 00:27:05.920
from society in proportion, or even more than in proportion, to their incomes.

276
00:27:05.920 --> 00:27:12.600
But it is clear that the rich benefit less from such services as police protection, since

277
00:27:12.600 --> 00:27:41.440
But it might be objected, can't we say that everyone derives proportional benefits to

278
00:27:41.440 --> 00:27:46.400
To His Income from Society, Though Not from Government?

279
00:27:46.400 --> 00:27:49.400
In the first place, this cannot be established.

280
00:27:49.400 --> 00:27:53.320
In fact, the opposite argument would be more accurate.

281
00:27:53.320 --> 00:28:00.560
For since both A and B participate in society and its benefits, any differential income

282
00:28:00.560 --> 00:28:08.640
between A and B must be due to their own particular worths, rather than to society.

283
00:28:08.640 --> 00:28:15.800
Certainly, equal benefits from society cannot be used to imply a proportional tax.

284
00:28:15.800 --> 00:28:22.160
And furthermore, even if the argument were true, by what ledger domain can we say that

285
00:28:22.160 --> 00:28:25.680
society is equivalent to the state?

286
00:28:25.680 --> 00:28:34.080
If A, B, C, producers on the market, benefit from each other's existence as society,

287
00:28:34.080 --> 00:28:42.880
How can G, the government, use this fact to establish its claim to their wealth?

288
00:28:42.880 --> 00:28:50.000
We have thus seen that no principle of taxation can be neutral with respect to the free market.

289
00:28:50.000 --> 00:28:56.760
Progressive taxation, where each man pays more than proportionately to his income, of

290
00:28:56.760 --> 00:29:00.160
course makes no attempt at neutrality.

291
00:29:00.160 --> 00:29:06.760
If the proportional tax embodies a principle destructive to the entire market economy and

292
00:29:06.760 --> 00:29:13.280
the monetary economy itself, then the progressive tax does so still more.

293
00:29:13.280 --> 00:29:19.680
For the progressive tax penalizes the able and efficient in even greater proportion than

294
00:29:19.680 --> 00:29:23.720
their relative ability and efficiency.

295
00:29:23.720 --> 00:29:30.940
Progressive rates are a particular disincentive against especially able work or entrepreneurship,

296
00:29:30.940 --> 00:29:37.860
and since such ability is engaged in serving the consumer, a progressive tax levies a particular

297
00:29:37.860 --> 00:29:41.520
burden on the consumers as well.

298
00:29:41.520 --> 00:29:48.380
In addition to the two ways discussed by which income taxation penalizes saving, the progressive

299
00:29:48.380 --> 00:29:56.340
of Tax imposes an added penalty, for empirically, in most cases, the wealthy save and invest

300
00:29:56.340 --> 00:30:01.880
proportionately more of their incomes than the lower income groups.

301
00:30:01.880 --> 00:30:08.820
There is, however, no apodictic, praxeological reason why this must always be so.

302
00:30:08.820 --> 00:30:14.300
The rule would not hold, for example, in a country where the wealthy bought jewelry while

303
00:30:14.300 --> 00:30:21.020
While the poor thriftily saved and invested, while the progressive principle is certainly

304
00:30:21.020 --> 00:30:28.580
highly destructive of the market, most conservative pro-free market economists tend to overweigh

305
00:30:28.580 --> 00:30:35.960
its effects and to underweigh the destructive effects of proportional taxation.

306
00:30:35.960 --> 00:30:42.080
Proportional income taxation has many of the same consequences and therefore the level

307
00:30:42.080 --> 00:30:49.520
of Income Taxation is generally more important for the market than the degree of progressivity.

308
00:30:49.520 --> 00:30:58.600
Thus, Society A may have a proportional income tax requiring every man to pay 50% of his

309
00:30:58.600 --> 00:30:59.600
income.

310
00:30:59.600 --> 00:31:08.020
Society B may have a very steeply progressive tax requiring a poor man to pay ¼% and the

311
00:31:08.020 --> 00:31:11.940
richest man 10% of his income.

312
00:31:11.940 --> 00:31:20.060
The rich man will certainly prefer society be, even though the tax is progressive, demonstrating

313
00:31:20.060 --> 00:31:26.540
that it is not so much the progressivity as the height of his tax that burdens the rich

314
00:31:26.540 --> 00:31:27.540
man.

315
00:31:27.540 --> 00:31:36.220
Incidentally, the poor producer, with a lower tax upon him, will also prefer society be.

316
00:31:36.220 --> 00:31:41.340
This demonstrates the fallacy in the common conservative complaint against progressive

317
00:31:41.340 --> 00:31:46.660
taxation that it is a means for the poor to rob the rich.

318
00:31:46.660 --> 00:31:53.180
For both the poor man and the rich man have, in our example, chosen progression.

319
00:31:53.180 --> 00:31:59.180
The reason is that the poor do not rob the rich under progressive taxation.

320
00:31:59.180 --> 00:32:06.860
Instead, it is the state that robs both through taxation, whether proportional or progressive.

321
00:32:08.060 --> 00:32:14.380
It may be objected that the poor benefit from the state's expenditures and subsidies from the tax

322
00:32:14.380 --> 00:32:21.100
proceeds, and thus do their robbing indirectly. But this overlooks the fact that the state can

323
00:32:21.100 --> 00:32:27.660
spend its money in many different ways. It may consume the products of specific industries.

324
00:32:27.660 --> 00:32:31.300
It may subsidize some or all of the rich.

325
00:32:31.300 --> 00:32:34.680
It may subsidize some or all of the poor.

326
00:32:34.680 --> 00:32:42.320
The fact of progressivity does not in itself imply that the poor are being subsidized en

327
00:32:42.320 --> 00:32:43.320
masse.

328
00:32:43.320 --> 00:32:49.360
Indeed, if some of the poor are being subsidized, others will probably not be.

329
00:32:49.360 --> 00:32:55.520
And so these latter net taxpayers will be robbed along with the rich.

330
00:32:55.520 --> 00:33:02.680
In fact, since there are usually far more poor than rich, the poor en masse may very

331
00:33:02.680 --> 00:33:08.680
well bear the greatest burden of even a progressive tax system.

332
00:33:08.680 --> 00:33:15.480
Of all the possible types of taxes, the one most calculated to cripple and destroy the

333
00:33:15.480 --> 00:33:20.600
workings of the market is the excess profits tax.

334
00:33:20.600 --> 00:33:28.320
For of all productive incomes, profits are a relatively small sum with enormous significance

335
00:33:28.320 --> 00:33:29.840
and impact.

336
00:33:29.840 --> 00:33:35.900
They are the motor, the driving force of the entire market economy.

337
00:33:35.900 --> 00:33:41.800
Profit and loss signals are the prompters of the entrepreneurs and capitalists who direct

338
00:33:41.800 --> 00:33:50.280
and ever redirect the productive resources of society in the best possible ways and combinations

339
00:33:50.280 --> 00:33:56.480
to satisfy the changing desires of consumers under changing conditions.

340
00:33:56.480 --> 00:34:03.400
With the drive for profit crippled, profit and loss no longer serve as an effective incentive

341
00:34:03.400 --> 00:34:10.600
or, therefore, as the means for economic calculation in the market economy.

342
00:34:10.600 --> 00:34:17.320
It is curious that in wartime, precisely when it would seem most urgent to preserve an efficient

343
00:34:17.320 --> 00:34:24.800
Productive System, the cry invariably goes up for taking the profits out of war.

344
00:34:24.800 --> 00:34:31.960
This zeal never seems to apply so harshly to the clearly war-born profits of steel workers

345
00:34:31.960 --> 00:34:37.140
in higher wages, only to the profits of entrepreneurs.

346
00:34:37.140 --> 00:34:41.160
There is certainly no better way of crippling a war effort.

347
00:34:41.160 --> 00:34:48.720
In addition, the excess concept requires some sort of norm above which the profit can be

348
00:34:48.720 --> 00:34:49.720
taxed.

349
00:34:49.720 --> 00:34:55.680
This norm may either be a certain rate of profit, which involves the numerous difficulties

350
00:34:55.680 --> 00:35:02.880
of measuring profit and capital investment in every firm, or it may refer to profits

351
00:35:02.880 --> 00:35:06.520
at a base period before the war started.

352
00:35:06.520 --> 00:35:13.520
The latter, the general favorite because it specifically taps war profits, makes the economy

353
00:35:13.520 --> 00:35:21.160
even more chaotic, for it means that while the government strains for more war production,

354
00:35:21.160 --> 00:35:29.200
the excess profits tax creates every incentive toward lower and inefficient war production.

355
00:35:29.200 --> 00:35:37.720
In short, the E.P.T. tends to freeze the process of production as of the peacetime base period,

356
00:35:37.720 --> 00:35:44.720
and the longer the war lasts, the more obsolete, the more inefficient and absurd the base period

357
00:35:44.720 --> 00:35:47.960
structure becomes.

358
00:35:47.960 --> 00:35:54.440
C. Shifting and Incidence, Attacks on an Industry

359
00:35:54.440 --> 00:36:00.880
No discussion of taxation, however brief, can overlook the famous problem of the shifting

360
00:36:00.880 --> 00:36:04.080
and incidence of taxation.

361
00:36:04.080 --> 00:36:06.600
In brief, who pays a tax?

362
00:36:06.600 --> 00:36:08.720
The person on whom it is levied?

363
00:36:08.720 --> 00:36:14.240
Or someone else, to whom the former is able to shift the tax?

364
00:36:14.240 --> 00:36:20.780
There are still economists, incredibly, who hew to the old 19th century equal diffusion

365
00:36:20.780 --> 00:36:27.300
and The Theory of Taxation, which simply closes the problem by proclaiming that all taxes

366
00:36:27.300 --> 00:36:34.100
are shifted to everyone, so that there is no need to analyze each one in particular.

367
00:36:34.100 --> 00:36:40.420
This obscurantist tendency is fostered by treating shifting in too broad a way.

368
00:36:40.420 --> 00:36:48.620
Thus, if an income tax is levied on Jones at 80%, this will hurt not only Jones, but

369
00:36:48.620 --> 00:36:55.620
but also, by decreasing Jones' incentives as well as capacities, other consumers, by

370
00:36:55.620 --> 00:36:58.900
reducing Jones' work and savings.

371
00:36:58.900 --> 00:37:06.500
It is therefore true that the effects of taxation diffuse outward from the center of the target.

372
00:37:06.500 --> 00:37:12.900
But this is far from saying that Jones can simply shift the tax burden onto the shoulders

373
00:37:12.900 --> 00:37:14.100
of others.

374
00:37:14.100 --> 00:37:20.860
The concept of shifting will here be limited to the case where the payment of a tax can

375
00:37:20.860 --> 00:37:28.740
be directly transferred from the original payer to someone else and will not be used

376
00:37:28.740 --> 00:37:34.020
when others suffer in addition to the original taxpayer.

377
00:37:34.020 --> 00:37:40.060
The latter may be called the indirect effects of the tax.

378
00:37:40.060 --> 00:37:46.240
The first rule of shifting is that an income tax cannot be shifted.

379
00:37:46.240 --> 00:37:52.060
This formerly accepted truth in economics is now countered with the popular assumption

380
00:37:52.060 --> 00:37:59.740
that, for example, a tax on wages will spur unions to demand higher wages to compensate

381
00:37:59.740 --> 00:38:07.500
for the tax, and that therefore the tax on wages is shifted forward onto the employer,

382
00:38:07.500 --> 00:38:13.100
Who, in turn, shifts it again forward onto the body of consumers.

383
00:38:13.100 --> 00:38:20.440
And yet, almost every step in this commonly proclaimed sequence is an egregious fallacy.

384
00:38:20.440 --> 00:38:27.000
It is absurd in the first place to think that workers or unions wait quietly for a tax to

385
00:38:27.000 --> 00:38:30.400
galvanize them into making demands.

386
00:38:30.400 --> 00:38:33.840
Workers always want higher wages.

387
00:38:33.840 --> 00:38:36.300
Unions always demand more.

388
00:38:36.300 --> 00:38:39.500
The question is, will they get more?

389
00:38:39.500 --> 00:38:42.580
There is no reason to think that they can.

390
00:38:42.580 --> 00:38:49.600
A worker can get only the value of the discounted marginal productivity of his labor.

391
00:38:49.600 --> 00:38:55.660
No clamor will raise that productivity, and therefore none can raise the wage he earns

392
00:38:55.660 --> 00:38:57.780
from his employer.

393
00:38:57.780 --> 00:39:01.820
Union demands for higher wages will be treated as usual.

394
00:39:01.820 --> 00:39:08.220
is, they can be satisfied only at the cost of the unemployment of some of the workforce

395
00:39:08.220 --> 00:39:10.020
in that industry.

396
00:39:10.020 --> 00:39:14.880
But this is true whether or not there has been a tax on wages.

397
00:39:14.880 --> 00:39:21.140
The tax will have nothing to do with the final wage set on the market.

398
00:39:21.140 --> 00:39:28.780
The idea that the increased cost will be passed on to the consumer by the employer is an illustration

399
00:39:28.780 --> 00:39:36.740
of Perhaps the Single Most Widespread Fallacy on Taxation that Businessmen can simply shift

400
00:39:36.740 --> 00:39:43.620
their higher costs forward onto the consumers in the form of higher prices.

401
00:39:43.620 --> 00:39:49.780
All the economic theory expounded in this book shows the error of this doctrine, for

402
00:39:49.780 --> 00:39:56.100
the price of a given product is set by the demand schedules of the consumers.

403
00:39:56.100 --> 00:40:04.180
There is nothing in higher costs or higher taxes which, per se, increases these schedules.

404
00:40:04.180 --> 00:40:12.340
Hence, any change in selling prices, whether higher or lower, will decrease the revenues

405
00:40:12.340 --> 00:40:14.580
of the business involved.

406
00:40:14.580 --> 00:40:21.980
For each business on the market tends to be at all times at its maximum profit point in

407
00:40:21.980 --> 00:40:24.800
relation to the consumers.

408
00:40:24.800 --> 00:40:30.640
Those are already at their point of maximum return for the business, therefore higher

409
00:40:30.640 --> 00:40:38.080
taxes or other costs imposed on the firm will reduce their net incomes rather than

410
00:40:38.080 --> 00:40:42.600
be smoothly and easily passed on to consumers.

411
00:40:42.600 --> 00:40:46.400
We thus arrive at this significant conclusion.

412
00:40:46.400 --> 00:40:53.880
No tax, not just an income tax, can ever be shifted forward.

413
00:40:53.880 --> 00:41:00.940
Notice that a particularly heavy tax of whatever type has been laid on a specific industry,

414
00:41:00.940 --> 00:41:03.040
say the liquor industry.

415
00:41:03.040 --> 00:41:04.980
What will be the effects?

416
00:41:04.980 --> 00:41:11.960
As we have noted, the tax will not simply be passed on to the consumers.

417
00:41:11.960 --> 00:41:18.440
Businessmen are particularly prone to this passing-on argument, obviously in an attempt

418
00:41:18.440 --> 00:41:25.160
to Convince Consumers that they are really paying any tax on that industry.

419
00:41:25.160 --> 00:41:31.600
Yet the argument is clearly belied by the very zeal of each industry to have its taxes

420
00:41:31.600 --> 00:41:35.900
lowered and to fight against a tax increase.

421
00:41:35.900 --> 00:41:42.640
If taxes could really be shifted so easily and businessmen were simply unpaid collection

422
00:41:42.640 --> 00:41:48.120
agents for the government, they would never protest a tax on their industry.

423
00:41:48.120 --> 00:41:54.880
Perhaps this is the reason why almost no businessmen have protested being collection agents for

424
00:41:54.880 --> 00:41:58.440
withholding taxes on their workers.

425
00:41:58.440 --> 00:42:02.780
Instead, the price of liquor will remain the same.

426
00:42:02.780 --> 00:42:06.680
The net income of the firms will decline.

427
00:42:06.680 --> 00:42:12.680
This will mean that returns will be lower to capital and enterprise in liquor than in

428
00:42:12.680 --> 00:42:15.740
other industries of the economy.

429
00:42:15.740 --> 00:42:21.660
All liquor firms will suffer losses and go out of business, and in general productive

430
00:42:21.660 --> 00:42:27.860
resources of all types will flow out of liquor and into other industries.

431
00:42:27.860 --> 00:42:34.860
The long-run effect, therefore, is to decrease the supply of liquor produced, and therefore

432
00:42:34.860 --> 00:42:41.020
by the law of supply and demand to raise the price of liquor on the market.

433
00:42:41.020 --> 00:42:48.380
However, as we have said before, this process, this diffusion of suffering over the economy,

434
00:42:48.380 --> 00:42:50.820
is hardly shifting.

435
00:42:50.820 --> 00:42:58.380
For the tax is not simply passed on, it only permeates to the consumers through hurting

436
00:42:58.380 --> 00:43:00.640
the industry taxed.

437
00:43:00.640 --> 00:43:05.460
The final result will be a distortion of the factors of production.

438
00:43:05.460 --> 00:43:11.820
Your goods are now being produced than the consumers would prefer in the liquor industry,

439
00:43:11.820 --> 00:43:18.140
and too many goods, relatively to liquor, are being produced in the other industry.

440
00:43:18.140 --> 00:43:24.900
Taxes, in short, can more readily be shifted backward than forward.

441
00:43:24.900 --> 00:43:31.460
Strictly the result is not shifting because it is not a painless process, but it is clear

442
00:43:31.460 --> 00:43:37.360
Remember that the backward process, backward to the factors of production, happens more

443
00:43:37.360 --> 00:43:45.160
quickly and directly than the effects on consumers, for losses or lowered profits to liquor firms

444
00:43:45.160 --> 00:43:52.520
will immediately lower their demand for land, labor and capital factors of production.

445
00:43:52.520 --> 00:43:58.800
This falling of demand schedules will lower wages and rents earned in the liquor industry,

446
00:43:58.800 --> 00:44:05.600
These lower earnings will induce a shift of labor, land and capital out of liquor and

447
00:44:05.600 --> 00:44:07.680
into other industries.

448
00:44:07.680 --> 00:44:13.800
The rapid backward shifting is in harmony with the Austrian theory of consumption and

449
00:44:13.800 --> 00:44:20.880
production developed in this volume, for prices of factors are determined by the selling prices

450
00:44:20.880 --> 00:44:27.760
of the goods which they produce, and not vice versa, which would have to be the conclusion

451
00:44:27.760 --> 00:44:32.320
Doctrine of the Naive Shifting Forward Doctrine

452
00:44:32.320 --> 00:44:38.840
It should be noted that in some cases the industry itself can welcome a tax upon it,

453
00:44:38.840 --> 00:44:45.880
for the sake of conferring an indirect but effective monopolistic privilege on the supermarginal

454
00:44:45.880 --> 00:44:46.880
firms.

455
00:44:46.880 --> 00:44:54.480
Thus, a flat license tax will confer a particular privilege on the more heavily capitalized

456
00:44:54.480 --> 00:45:05.680
D. Shifting and Incidence, a General Sales Tax

457
00:45:05.680 --> 00:45:13.400
The most popular example of a tax supposedly shifted forward is the general sales tax.

458
00:45:13.400 --> 00:45:21.780
Surely, for example, if the government imposes a uniform 20% tax on all retail sales, and

459
00:45:21.780 --> 00:45:27.540
And if we can make the simplifying assumption that the tax can be equally well enforced

460
00:45:27.540 --> 00:45:36.080
everywhere, then business will simply pass on the 20% increase in all prices to consumers.

461
00:45:36.080 --> 00:45:41.840
In fact, however, there is no way for prices to increase at all.

462
00:45:41.840 --> 00:45:48.820
As in the case of one particular industry, prices were previously set, or approximately

463
00:45:48.820 --> 00:45:54.100
So, at the points of maximum net revenue for the firms.

464
00:45:54.100 --> 00:46:00.380
Stocks of goods or factors have not yet changed and neither have demand schedules.

465
00:46:00.380 --> 00:46:03.220
How then could prices rise?

466
00:46:03.220 --> 00:46:09.140
Moreover, if we look at the general array of prices, as is proper when dealing with

467
00:46:09.140 --> 00:46:15.860
a general sales tax, these are determined by the supply of and the demand for money

468
00:46:15.860 --> 00:46:19.100
from the goods and money sides.

469
00:46:19.100 --> 00:46:25.620
For the general array of prices to rise, there must be either an increase in the supply of

470
00:46:25.620 --> 00:46:31.320
money, a decrease in the demand schedule for money, or both.

471
00:46:31.320 --> 00:46:37.380
Nothing in a general sales tax causes a change in either of these determinants.

472
00:46:37.380 --> 00:46:43.620
It might be objected that the firms can pass along the sales tax because it is a general

473
00:46:43.620 --> 00:46:46.160
Tax Increase for All Firms

474
00:46:46.160 --> 00:46:53.940
Aside from the fact that no relevant general factor, supply, demand for money, has increased,

475
00:46:53.940 --> 00:47:01.260
the individual firm is still concerned only with its individual demand, and this has not

476
00:47:01.260 --> 00:47:02.260
shifted.

477
00:47:02.260 --> 00:47:09.940
A tax increase has done nothing to make a higher price more profitable than it was before.

478
00:47:09.940 --> 00:47:20.940
Furthermore, the long-run effects of a general sales tax on prices will be smaller than in the case of an equivalent partial excise tax.

479
00:47:20.940 --> 00:47:35.940
A tax on a specific industry, such as liquor, will push resources out of this industry and into others, and therefore the relative price of the taxed commodity will eventually rise.

480
00:47:35.940 --> 00:47:44.940
In a general, uniformly enforced sales tax, however, there is no room for such shifts of resources.

481
00:47:44.940 --> 00:47:50.940
Resources can now shift only from work into idleness or into barter.

482
00:47:50.940 --> 00:47:59.940
This, of course, may and probably will happen, since, as we shall see further, a sales tax is a tax on incomes.

483
00:47:59.940 --> 00:48:10.940
The rise in opportunity cost of leisure may push some workers into idleness and thereby lower the quantity of goods produced.

484
00:48:10.940 --> 00:48:21.940
To this extent prices will eventually rise, although hardly in the smooth, immediate, proportionate way of shifting.

485
00:48:21.940 --> 00:48:38.940
The myth that a sales tax can be shifted forward is comparable to the myth that a general union-imposed wage increase can be shifted forward to higher prices for consumers, thereby causing inflation.

486
00:48:38.940 --> 00:48:50.940
There is here no way that the general array of prices can rise, and the only possible result of such a wage increase is mass unemployment.

487
00:48:50.940 --> 00:48:59.040
Of course, if the money supply is increased after a wage rise and credit expanded, prices

488
00:48:59.040 --> 00:49:06.020
can be raised so that money wages are again not above their discounted marginal value

489
00:49:06.020 --> 00:49:08.460
products.

490
00:49:08.460 --> 00:49:14.220
In considering the general sales tax, many people are misled by the fact that the price

491
00:49:14.220 --> 00:49:19.820
paid by the consumer necessarily includes the tax.

492
00:49:19.820 --> 00:49:26.960
If someone goes to a movie and pays $1 admission, and if he sees prominently posted the information

493
00:49:26.960 --> 00:49:35.020
that this covers a price of 85 cents and a tax of 15 cents, he tends to conclude that

494
00:49:35.020 --> 00:49:39.920
the tax has simply been added on to the price.

495
00:49:39.920 --> 00:49:48.600
But $1 is the price, not 85 cents, the latter sum simply being the revenue accruing to the

496
00:49:48.600 --> 00:49:59.400
The Revenue to the Firm has, in effect, been reduced to allow for payment of taxes.

497
00:49:59.400 --> 00:50:03.640
This is precisely the consequence of a general sales tax.

498
00:50:03.640 --> 00:50:10.280
Its immediate impact lowers the gross revenue of firms by the amount of the tax.

499
00:50:10.280 --> 00:50:14.720
In the long run, of course, firms cannot pay the tax.

500
00:50:14.720 --> 00:50:22.000
The loss in gross revenue of firms being imputed backward to interest income by capitalists

501
00:50:22.000 --> 00:50:29.420
and to wages and rents earned by owners of original factors, labor and ground land.

502
00:50:29.420 --> 00:50:37.140
A decrease in gross revenue to retail firms is reflected back to a decreased demand for

503
00:50:37.140 --> 00:50:41.100
the products of all the higher order firms.

504
00:50:41.100 --> 00:50:48.020
The major result of a general sales tax is a general reduction in the net revenues accruing

505
00:50:48.020 --> 00:50:50.320
to original factors.

506
00:50:50.320 --> 00:50:57.740
The sales tax has been shifted backwards to original factor returns, to interest and to

507
00:50:57.740 --> 00:51:00.660
all wages and ground rents.

508
00:51:00.660 --> 00:51:08.020
No longer does every original factor of production earn its discounted marginal product.

509
00:51:08.020 --> 00:51:16.300
General factors now earn less than their DMVPs, the reduction consisting of the sales tax

510
00:51:16.300 --> 00:51:18.780
paid to the government.

511
00:51:18.780 --> 00:51:24.840
Let us now integrate this analysis of the incidence of a general sales tax with our

512
00:51:24.840 --> 00:51:30.620
previous general analysis of the benefits and burdens of taxation.

513
00:51:30.620 --> 00:51:37.340
This is accomplished by remembering that the proceeds of taxation are, in turn, spent by

514
00:51:37.340 --> 00:51:38.940
by the Government.

515
00:51:38.940 --> 00:51:45.060
Whether or not the Government spends the money for resources for its own activities, or simply

516
00:51:45.060 --> 00:51:52.920
transfers the money to people it subsidizes, the effect is to shift consumption and investment

517
00:51:52.920 --> 00:51:59.580
demand from private hands to the Government, or to Government-supported individuals by

518
00:51:59.580 --> 00:52:02.420
the amount of the tax revenue.

519
00:52:02.420 --> 00:52:09.660
The tax has been ultimately levied on the incomes of original factors and the money transferred

520
00:52:09.660 --> 00:52:12.680
from their hands to the government.

521
00:52:12.680 --> 00:52:18.680
The income of the government and of those subsidized by the government has been increased

522
00:52:18.680 --> 00:52:25.600
at the expense of the tax producers, and therefore consumption and investment demands on the

523
00:52:25.600 --> 00:52:32.600
have been shifted from the producers to the expropriators by the amount of the tax.

524
00:52:32.600 --> 00:52:38.600
As a consequence, the value of the monetary unit will remain unchanged,

525
00:52:38.600 --> 00:52:45.600
barring a difference in demands for money between the taxpayers and the tax consumers.

526
00:52:45.600 --> 00:52:51.600
But the array of prices will shift in accordance with the shift in demands.

527
00:52:51.600 --> 00:52:57.920
Thus, if the market has been spending heavily on clothing, and the government uses the revenue

528
00:52:57.920 --> 00:53:04.840
mostly for the purchase of arms, there will be a fall in the price of clothes and a rise

529
00:53:04.840 --> 00:53:12.280
in the price of arms, and a tendency for non-specific factors to shift out of the production of

530
00:53:12.280 --> 00:53:17.000
clothing and into the production of armaments.

531
00:53:17.000 --> 00:53:24.320
As a result, there will not finally be, as might be assumed, a proportional 20% fall

532
00:53:24.320 --> 00:53:32.320
in all original factor incomes as the result of a 20% general sales tax.

533
00:53:32.320 --> 00:53:38.640
Specific factors in industries that have lost business from the shift from private to governmental

534
00:53:38.640 --> 00:53:43.920
demand will lose proportionately more in income.

535
00:53:43.920 --> 00:53:50.040
Non-specific factors in industries gaining in demand will lose proportionately less.

536
00:53:50.040 --> 00:53:56.400
Some may gain so much as to gain absolutely from the change.

537
00:53:56.400 --> 00:54:01.800
Non-specific factors will not be affected as much proportionately, but they too will

538
00:54:01.800 --> 00:54:08.520
lose and gain according to the difference that the concrete shift in demand makes in

539
00:54:08.520 --> 00:54:12.200
their marginal value productivity.

540
00:54:12.200 --> 00:54:19.520
It should be carefully noted that the general sales tax is a conspicuous example of failure

541
00:54:19.520 --> 00:54:21.700
to tax consumption.

542
00:54:21.700 --> 00:54:29.560
The sales tax is commonly supposed to penalize consumption rather than income or capital.

543
00:54:29.560 --> 00:54:37.040
Yet we find that the sales tax reduces not just consumption, but the incomes of original

544
00:54:37.040 --> 00:54:38.040
factors.

545
00:54:38.040 --> 00:54:46.080
The general sales tax is therefore an income tax, albeit a rather haphazard one.

546
00:54:46.080 --> 00:54:53.640
Many right-wing economists have advocated general sales taxation as opposed to income taxation

547
00:54:53.640 --> 00:55:00.320
on the grounds that the former taxes consumption but not savings investment.

548
00:55:00.320 --> 00:55:06.460
Many left-wing economists have opposed sales taxation for the same reason.

549
00:55:06.460 --> 00:55:08.040
Both are mistaken.

550
00:55:08.040 --> 00:55:15.340
The sales tax is an income tax, though of a more haphazard and uncertain incidence.

551
00:55:15.340 --> 00:55:21.520
The major effect of the general sales tax will be that of the income tax, to reduce

552
00:55:21.520 --> 00:55:27.340
the consumption and the saving investment of the taxpayers.

553
00:55:27.340 --> 00:55:34.220
Mr. Frank Chotirov in his The Income Tax, Root of All Evil, fails to indicate what other

554
00:55:34.220 --> 00:55:39.820
Another type of tax would be better, from a free market point of view, than the income

555
00:55:39.820 --> 00:55:40.860
tax.

556
00:55:40.860 --> 00:55:47.100
It is clear from our discussion that there are few taxes indeed that will not be as bad

557
00:55:47.100 --> 00:55:51.820
as the income tax from the viewpoint of the free market.

558
00:55:51.820 --> 00:55:56.620
Certainly sales or excise taxation will not fill the bill.

559
00:55:56.620 --> 00:56:04.100
Mr. Chaturov furthermore is surely wrong when he terms income and inheritance taxes unique

560
00:56:04.100 --> 00:56:07.620
Denials of the Right of Individual Property

561
00:56:07.620 --> 00:56:14.740
Any tax whatever infringes on property right, and there is nothing in an indirect tax which

562
00:56:14.740 --> 00:56:21.940
makes the infringement any less clear. It is true that an income tax forces the subject to keep

563
00:56:21.940 --> 00:56:28.740
records and disclose his personal dealings, thus imposing a further loss in his utility.

564
00:56:28.740 --> 00:56:45.740
The sales tax, however, also forces record-keeping. The difference, again, is one of degree rather than of kind, since here the directness covers only retail storekeepers instead of the bulk of the population.

565
00:56:45.740 --> 00:57:10.740
In fact, since, as we have seen, the income tax, by its nature, falls more heavily on savings investment than on consumption, we reach the paradoxical and important conclusion that a tax on consumption will fall more heavily on savings investment than on consumption in its ultimate incidence.

566
00:57:10.740 --> 00:57:15.740
E. A Tax on Land Values

567
00:57:15.740 --> 00:57:22.740
Wherever taxes fall, they blight, hamper and distort the productive activity of the market.

568
00:57:22.740 --> 00:57:28.740
Clearly, a tax on wages will distort the allocation of labor effort.

569
00:57:28.740 --> 00:57:33.740
A tax on profits will cripple the profit and loss motor of the economy.

570
00:57:33.740 --> 00:57:38.740
A tax on interest will tend to consume capital, etc.

571
00:57:38.740 --> 00:57:59.240
One commonly conceded exception to this rule is the doctrine of Henry George, that ground landowners perform no productive function, and that therefore the government may safely tax site value without reducing the supply of productive services on the market.

572
00:57:59.240 --> 00:58:07.240
This is the economic, as distinguished from the moral, rationale for the famous single tax.

573
00:58:07.240 --> 00:58:12.240
Unhappily, very few economists have challenged this basic assumption,

574
00:58:12.240 --> 00:58:18.240
the single tax proposal being generally rejected on grounds purely pragmatic.

575
00:58:18.240 --> 00:58:25.240
There is no way and practice of distinguishing sight from improvement value of land.

576
00:58:25.240 --> 00:58:32.640
Or, conservative, too much has been invested in land to expropriate the landowners now.

577
00:58:32.640 --> 00:58:38.440
Thus, even so eminent an economist as F. A. Hayek has recently written,

578
00:58:38.440 --> 00:58:49.840
this scheme, the single tax, for the socialization of land, is, in its logic, probably the most seductive and plausible of all socialist schemes,

579
00:58:49.840 --> 00:58:54.240
if the factual assumptions on which it is based were correct,

580
00:58:54.240 --> 00:59:10.240
That is, if it were possible to distinguish clearly between the value of the permanent and indestructible powers of the soil and the value due to improvement, the argument for its adoption would be very strong.

581
00:59:10.240 --> 00:59:15.880
Yet, this central Georgist contention is completely fallacious.

582
00:59:15.880 --> 00:59:21.520
The owner of ground land performs a very important productive service.

583
00:59:21.520 --> 00:59:29.860
He finds, brings into use, and then allocates land sites to the most value-productive bidders.

584
00:59:29.860 --> 00:59:36.640
We must not be misled by the fact that the physical stock of land is fixed at any given

585
00:59:36.640 --> 00:59:37.640
time.

586
00:59:37.640 --> 00:59:57.640
In the case of land as of other material goods, it is not just the physical good that is being sold, but a whole bundle of services along with it, among which is the service of transferring ownership from seller to buyer, and doing so efficiently.

587
00:59:57.640 --> 01:00:05.440
Ground land does not simply exist, it must be served to, the user, by the owner.

588
01:00:05.440 --> 01:00:12.160
One man, of course, can perform both functions when the land is vertically integrated.

589
01:00:12.160 --> 01:00:18.540
The land owner earns the highest ground rents by allocating land sites to their most value

590
01:00:18.540 --> 01:00:25.060
productive uses, that is, to those uses most desired by consumers.

591
01:00:25.060 --> 01:00:31.680
In particular, we must not overlook the importance of location and the productive service of

592
01:00:31.680 --> 01:00:39.160
the site owner in assuring the most productive locations for each particular use.

593
01:00:39.160 --> 01:00:45.700
The view that bringing sites into use and deciding upon their location is not really

594
01:00:45.700 --> 01:00:52.840
productive is a vestige from the old classical view that a service which does not tangibly

595
01:00:52.840 --> 01:00:58.520
create something physical is not really productive.

596
01:00:58.520 --> 01:01:04.960
I do not know anyone who has brought out the productivity of landowners as clearly as Mr.

597
01:01:04.960 --> 01:01:08.280
Spencer Heath, an ex-Georgist.

598
01:01:08.280 --> 01:01:15.480
Heath comments on Henry George as follows, Wherever the services of landowners are concerned,

599
01:01:15.480 --> 01:01:22.480
he is firm in his dictum that all values are physical, in the exchange services performed

600
01:01:22.480 --> 01:01:29.200
by Landowners, their social distribution of sites and resources, no physical production

601
01:01:29.200 --> 01:01:30.200
is involved.

602
01:01:30.200 --> 01:01:36.920
Hence, he is unable to see that they are entitled to any share in the distribution of physical

603
01:01:36.920 --> 01:01:44.200
things, and that the rent they receive is but recompense for their non-coercive distributive

604
01:01:44.200 --> 01:01:46.800
or exchange services.

605
01:01:46.800 --> 01:01:53.680
He rules out all creation of values by the services performed in land distribution by

606
01:01:53.680 --> 01:02:01.280
free contract and exchange, which is the sole alternative to either a violent and disorderly

607
01:02:01.280 --> 01:02:06.600
or an arbitrary and tyrannical distribution of land.

608
01:02:06.600 --> 01:02:13.920
Actually, the function of bringing sites into use and deciding upon their location is just

609
01:02:13.920 --> 01:02:36.800
In this necessarily hasty overview of the high spots of taxation theory, we have space

610
01:02:36.800 --> 01:02:43.720
for only one more comment, a criticism of the very common view that, in a business boom,

611
01:02:43.720 --> 01:02:50.600
The government should increase taxation in order to sop up excess purchasing power and

612
01:02:50.600 --> 01:02:55.320
thereby halt the inflation and stabilize the economy.

613
01:02:55.320 --> 01:03:01.240
We shall discuss the problems of inflation, stabilization and the business cycle later.

614
01:03:01.240 --> 01:03:09.800
Here, let us note the oddity of assuming that a tax is somehow less of a social cost, less

615
01:03:09.800 --> 01:03:12.880
of a burden than a price.

616
01:03:12.880 --> 01:03:20.400
Thus suppose in a boom that Messers A, B and C, with the money they have on hand, would

617
01:03:20.400 --> 01:03:27.280
spend a certain amount on some commodity, say pipes, at a certain market price, for

618
01:03:27.280 --> 01:03:30.020
example, $10 per pipe.

619
01:03:30.020 --> 01:03:35.480
The government decides that this is a most unfortunate situation, that the market price

620
01:03:35.480 --> 01:03:48.480
The price is, by some arbitrary, undivulged standard, too high, and that therefore it must help its subjects by taxing their money away from them, and thus lowering prices.

621
01:03:48.480 --> 01:03:57.480
Suppose, indeed, that A, B and C are taxed sufficiently to lower the pipe price to, say, $8.

622
01:03:57.480 --> 01:04:16.600
In short, the tax price has gone up in order that the prices of other goods may decline.

623
01:04:16.600 --> 01:04:25.360
Why is a voluntary price, paid willingly by buyers and accepted by sellers, somehow bad

624
01:04:25.360 --> 01:04:32.600
or burdensome for the buyers, while at the same time a price levied compulsorily on the

625
01:04:32.600 --> 01:04:39.880
same buyers for dubious governmental services for which they have not demonstrated a need,

626
01:04:39.880 --> 01:04:42.220
is somehow good.

627
01:04:42.220 --> 01:04:46.960
Why are high prices burdensome and high taxes not?
