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NOTE Appendix A: Government Borrowing

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Appendix A, Government Borrowing

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The major source of government revenue is taxation.

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Another source is government borrowing.

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Government borrowing from the banking system is really a form of inflation.

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It creates new money substitutes that go first to the government

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and then diffuse with each step of spending into the community.

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Inflation has been discussed. This is a process entirely different from borrowing from the public, which is not inflationary, for the latter transfers saved funds from private to governmental hands, rather than creates new funds.

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Its economic effect is to divert savings from the channels most desired by the consumers, and to shift them to the uses desired by government officials.

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Hence, from the point of view of the consumers, borrowing from the public wastes savings.

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The consequences of this waste are a lowering of the capital structure of the society and

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a lowering of the general standard of living in the present and the future.

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Diversion and waste of savings from investment causes interest rates to be higher than they

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It might be objected that lending to the government is voluntary, and is therefore equivalent to any other voluntary contribution to the government.

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The Diversion of Funds is something desired by the consumers and hence by society.

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A recent objection of this sort has been voiced by James M. Buchanan.

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Yet the process is voluntary only in a one-sided way.

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For we must not forget that the government enters the time market as a bearer of coercion

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Coercion and as a guarantor that it will use this coercion to obtain funds for repayment.

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The government is armed by coercion with a crucial power denied to all other people on

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the market.

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It is always assured of funds, whether by taxation or by inflation.

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The government will therefore be able to divert considerable funds from savers and at an

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The

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interest rate lower than any paid elsewhere, for the risk component in the interest rate paid by the government will be lower than that paid by any other borrowers.

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It is incorrect, however, to say that government loans are riskless, and therefore that the interest yield on government bonds may be taken to be the pure interest rate.

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Governments may always repudiate their obligations if they wish, or they may be overturned and

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their successors may refuse to honor the IOUs.

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Lending to government, therefore, may be voluntary, but the process is hardly voluntary when considered

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as a whole.

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It is, rather, a voluntary participation in future confiscation to be committed by the

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government.

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In fact, lending to government twice involves diversion of private funds to the government.

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Once when the loan is made and private savings are diverted to government spending, and again

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when the government taxes or inflates or borrows again to obtain the money to repay the loan.

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Then once more, a coerced diversion takes place from private producers to the government.

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The proceeds of which, after payment of the bureaucracy for handling services, accrues

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to the government bondholders.

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The latter have thus become a part of the state apparatus and are engaging in a relation

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of state with the tax-paying producers.

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Hence, despite Buchanan's criticism, the classical economists such as Mill were right.

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The public debt is a double burden on the free market, in the present because resources

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are withdrawn from private to unproductive governmental employment, and in the future

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when private citizens are taxed to pay the debt.

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Indeed, for Buchanan to be right and the public debt to be no burden, two extreme conditions

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Funds would have to be met, one, the bondholder would have to tear up his bond, so that the

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loan would be a genuinely voluntary contribution to the government, and two, the government

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would have to be a totally voluntary institution, subsisting on voluntary payments alone, not

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just for this particular debt, but for all its transactions with the rest of society.

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The ingenious slogan that the public debt does not matter because we owe it to ourselves

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is clearly absurd.

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The crucial question is, who is the we and who are the ourselves?

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Analysis of the world must be individualistic and not holistic.

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Certain people owe money to certain other people, and it is precisely this fact that

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that makes the borrowing as well as the taxing process important, for we might just as well

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say that taxes are unimportant for the same reason.

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In the same way, we would have to assert that the Jews killed by the Nazis during World

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War II really committed suicide.

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They did it to themselves.

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Many right-wing opponents of public borrowing, on the other hand, have greatly exaggerated

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the dangers of the public debt and have raised persistent alarms about imminent bankruptcy.

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It is obvious that the government cannot become insolvent, like private individuals, for it

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can always obtain money by coercion, while private citizens cannot.

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Further, the periodic agitation that the government reduce the public debt generally forgets that,

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Short of outright repudiation, the debt can be reduced only by increasing, at least for

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a time, the tax and or inflation in society.

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Social utility can therefore not be enhanced by debt reduction, except by the method of

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repudiation, the one way that the public debt can be lowered without a concomitant increase

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in Fiscal Coercion.

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Repudiation would also have the further merit, from the standpoint of the free market, of

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casting a pall on all future government credit, so that the government could no longer so

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easily divert savings to government use.

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It is therefore one of the most curious and inconsistent features of the history of politico-economic

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Ludwig thought that it is precisely the right-wingers, the presumed champions of the free market,

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who attack repudiation most strongly, and who insist on as swift a payment of the public

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debt as possible.
