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NOTE Appendix B: “Collective Goods” and “External Benefits”: Two Arguments for Government Activity

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Appendix B, Collective Goods and External Benefits, Two Arguments for Government Activity

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One of the most important philosophical problems of recent centuries is whether ethics is a rational discipline,

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or instead a purely arbitrary, unscientific set of personal values.

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Whichever side one may take in this debate, it would certainly be generally agreed that economics, or praxeology, cannot by itself suffice to establish an ethical or politico-ethical doctrine.

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Economics per se is therefore a vert-frei science, which does not engage in ethical judgments.

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Yet while economists will generally agree to this flat statement, it is certainly curious

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how much energy they have spent trying to justify, in some tortuous, presumably scientific

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and vert-frei manner, various activities and expenditures of government.

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The consequence is the widespread smuggling of un-analyzed, undefended ethical judgments

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into a supposedly vert-frei system of economics.

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One venerable example used constantly in texts on public finance, an area particularly prone

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to camouflaged ethical judgments, is The Cannons of Justice for Taxation, propounded

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by Adam Smith.

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The analysis of the economic nature and consequences of government ownership in this book is wertfrei

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and does not involve ethical judgments.

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It is a mistake, for example, to believe that anyone, knowing the economic laws demonstrating

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the great inefficiencies of government ownership, would necessarily have to choose private over

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government ownership, although of course he may well do so.

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Those who place a high moral value, for example, on social conflict, or on poverty, or on inefficiency,

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or those who greatly desire to wield bureaucratic power over others, or to see people subjected

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to bureaucratic power, may well opt even more enthusiastically for government ownership.

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Ultimate ethical principles and choices are outside the scope of this book.

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This of course does not mean that the present author deprecates their importance.

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On the contrary, he believes that ethics is a rational discipline.

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Two favorite seemingly scientific justifications for government activity and enterprise are

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a. what we might call the argument of external benefits and b. the argument of collective

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of Goods or Collective Wants.

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Stripped of seemingly scientific or quasi-mathematical trappings, the first argument reduces to the

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contention that A, B and C do not seem to be able to do certain things without benefiting

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D, who may try to evade his just share of the payment.

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This and other external benefit arguments will be discussed shortly.

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The collective goods argument is, on its face, even more scientific.

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The economist simply asserts that some goods or services, by their very nature, must be

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supplied collectively, and therefore, government must supply them out of tax revenue.

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This seemingly simple existential statement, however, cloaks a good many unanalyzed politico-ethical

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assumptions.

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In the first place, even if there were collective goods, it by no means follows either, one,

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that one agency must supply them, or two, that everyone in the collectivity must be

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forced to pay for them.

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In short, if X is a collective good needed by most people in a certain community and

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which can be supplied only to all, it by no means follows that every beneficiary must

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be forced to pay for the good, which incidentally he may not even want.

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In short, we are back squarely in the moral problem of external benefits, which we shall

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discuss.

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The collective goods argument turns out, upon analysis, to reduce to the external benefit

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argument.

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Furthermore, even if only one agency must supply the good, it has not been proved that

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the government, rather than some voluntary agency or even some private corporation, cannot

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supply that good.

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Secondly, the very concept of collective goods is a highly dubious one.

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How first of all can a collective want, think or act?

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Only an individual exists and can do these things.

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There is no existential referent of the collective that supposedly wants and then receives goods.

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Many attempts have been made, nevertheless, to salvage the concept of the collective good,

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to provide a seemingly iron-clad scientific justification for government operations.

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Molinari, for example, trying to establish defense as a collective good, asserted a police

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force serves every inhabitant of the district in which it acts, but the mere establishment

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of a Bakery does not appease their hunger.

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But on the contrary, there is no absolute necessity for a police force to defend every

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inhabitant of an area, or still more, to give each one the same degree of protection.

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Furthermore, an absolute pacifist, a believer in total nonviolence living in the area, would

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would not consider himself protected by or receiving defense service from the police.

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On the contrary, he would consider any police in his area a detriment to him.

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Hence, defense cannot be considered a collective good or collective want, similarly for such

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and such projects as dams, which cannot be simply assumed to benefit everyone in the area.

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Antonio Daviti de Marco defined collective wants as consisting of two categories,

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wants arising when an individual is not in isolation and wants connected with a conflict of interest.

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The first category, however, is so broad as to encompass most market products,

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There would be no point, for example, in putting on plays unless a certain number went to see them, or in publishing newspapers without a certain wide market.

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Must all these industries therefore be nationalized and monopolized by the government?

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The second category is presumably meant to apply to defense.

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Defense.

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This, however, is incorrect.

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Defense itself does not reflect a conflict of interest, but a threat of invasion, against

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which defense is needed.

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Furthermore, it is hardly sensible to call collective that want which is precisely the

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least likely to be unanimous, since robbers will hardly desire it.

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Other economists write as if defense is necessarily collective because it is an immaterial service,

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whereas bread, autos, etc. are materially divisible and saleable to individuals.

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But immaterial services to individuals abound in the market.

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Must concert giving be monopolized by the state because its services are immaterial?

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In recent years, Professor Paul Samuelson has offered his own definition of collective

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consumption goods in a so-called pure theory of government expenditures.

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Collective consumption goods, according to Samuelson, are those which all enjoy in common

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in the sense that each individual's consumption of such a good leads to no subtraction from

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For some reason, these are supposed to be the proper goods, or at least these, for government, rather than the free market to provide.

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Samuelson's category has been attacked with due severity.

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Professor Steven Encke, for example, pointed out that most governmental services simply

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do not fit Samuelson's classification, including highways, libraries, judicial services, police,

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fire, hospitals and military protection.

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In fact, we may go further and state that no goods would ever fit into Samuelson's

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category of collective consumption goods.

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Julius Margolis, for example, while critical of Samuelson, concedes the inclusion of national

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defense and lighthouses in this category.

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But national defense is surely not an absolute good with only one unit of supply.

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It consists of specific resources committed in certain definite and concrete ways, and

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these resources are necessarily scarce.

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A ring of defense bases around New York, for example, cuts down the amount possibly available

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around San Francisco. Furthermore, a lighthouse shines over a certain fixed area only. Not

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only does a ship within the area prevent others from entering the area at the same time, but

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also the construction of a lighthouse in one place limits its construction elsewhere. In

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In fact, if a good is really technologically collective in Samuelson's sense, it is not

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a good at all, but a natural condition of human welfare, like air, superabundant to

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all and therefore unowned by anyone.

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Indeed, it is not the lighthouse, but the ocean itself, when the lanes are not crowded,

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which is the collective consumption good and which therefore remains unowned.

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Obviously neither government nor anyone else is normally needed to produce or allocate

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the ocean.

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In his reply to critics, Samuelson, after hastening to deny any possible implication

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that he wished to confine the sphere of government to collective goods alone, asserts that his

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This category is really a polar concept.

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Goods in the real world are supposed to be only blends of the polar extremes of public

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and private goods.

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But these concepts, even in Samuelson's own terms, are decidedly not polar, but exhaustive.

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Either A's consumption of a good diminishes B's possible consumption, or it does not.

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These two alternatives are mutually exclusive and exhaust the possibilities.

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In effect, Samuelson has abandoned his category either as a theoretical or as a practical

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device.

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Charles Thibault, conceding that there is no pure way to establish an optimum level

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for government expenditures, tries to salvage such a theory specifically for local government,

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Realizing that the taxing and even voting process precludes voluntary demonstration

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of consumer choice in the governmental field, he argues that decentralization and freedom

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of internal migration renders local government expenditures more or less optimal, as we can

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say that free market expenditures by firms are optimal since the residents can move in

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in and out as they please.

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Certainly it is true that the consumer will be better off if he can move readily out of

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a high-tax and into a low-tax community, but this helps the consumer only to a degree.

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It does not solve the problem of government expenditures, which remains otherwise the

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same.

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There are indeed other factors than government entering into a man's choice of residence,

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And enough people may be attached to a certain geographical area, for one reason or another,

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to permit a great deal of government depredation before they move.

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Furthermore, a major problem is that the world's total land area is fixed, and that governments

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have universally pre-empted all the land, and thus, universally burden consumers.

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At one point, Thibault seems to admit that his theory would be valid only if each person

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could somehow be his own municipal government.

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In the course of an acute critique of the idea of competition in government, the Colorado

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Springs Gazette Telegraph wrote as follows,

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Were the taxpayer free to act as a customer, buying only those services he deemed useful

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The rules are never free to refuse the services of the products of the ruler.

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Instead of trying to see which government could best serve the governed,

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each government began to vie with every other government on the basis of its tax collections.

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The victim of this competition is always the taxpayer.

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The taxpayer is now set upon by the federal, state, school board, county and city governments.

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Each of these is competing for the last dollar he has.

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We come now to the problem of external benefits, the major justification for government activities expounded by economists.

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The problem of external costs, usually treated as symmetrical with external benefits, is not really related.

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It is a consequence of failure to enforce fully the rights of property.

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If A's actions injure B's property and the government refuses to stop the act and enforce damages,

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property rights, and hence the free market, are not being fully defended and maintained.

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where individuals simply benefit themselves by their actions, many writers concede that the free market may be safely left unhampered, but men's actions may often, even inadvertently, benefit others.

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While one might think this a cause for rejoicing, critics charge that from this fact flow evils in abundance.

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A free exchange where A and B mutually benefit may be all very well, say these economists,

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but what if A does something voluntarily which benefits B as well as himself, but for which B pays nothing in exchange?

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There are two general lines of attack on the free market using external benefits as the point of criticism.

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Taken together, these arguments against the market and for governmental intervention or enterprise cancel each other out,

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but each must, in all fairness, be examined separately.

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The first type of criticism is to attack A for not doing enough for B.

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The benefactor is, in effect, denounced for taking his own selfish interests exclusively into account, and thereby neglecting the potential indirect recipient waiting silently in the wings.

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For some unexplained reason, the benefits worried over are only the indirect ones, where B benefits inadvertently from A's action.

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Direct gifts or charity, where A simply donates money to B, are not attacked under the category of external benefit.

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The second line of attack is to denounce B for accepting a benefit without paying A in return.

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The recipient is denounced as an ingrate and a virtual thief for accepting the free gift.

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The market, then, is accused of injustice and distortion by both groups of attackers.

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The first believes that the selfishness of man is such that A will not act enough in

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ways to benefit B. The second, that B will receive too much unearned increment without

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paying for it.

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Either way, the call is for remedial state action, on the one hand, to use violence in

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In order to force or induce A to act more in ways which will aid B, on the other to

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force B to pay A for his gift.

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Generally, these ethical views are clothed in the scientific opinion that in these cases

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free market action is no longer optimal, but should be brought back into optimality by

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corrective state action.

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Such a view completely misconceives the way in which economic science asserts that free

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market action is ever optimal.

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It is optimal not from the standpoint of the personal ethical views of an economist, but

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from the standpoint of the free voluntary actions of all participants, and in satisfying

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the freely expressed needs of the consumers.

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Interference, therefore, will necessarily and always move away from such an optimum.

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It is amusing that while each line of attack is quite widespread, each can be rather successfully

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rebutted by using the essence of the other attack.

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Take for example the first, the attack on the benefactor.

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To denounce the benefactor and implicitly call for state punishment for insufficient good

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deeds is to advance a moral claim by the recipient upon the benefactor.

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We do not intend to argue ultimate values in this book, but it should be clearly understood

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that to adopt this position is to say that B is entitled peremptorily to call on A to

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to do something to benefit him, and for which B does not pay anything in return.

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We do not have to go all the way with the second line of attack on the free rider, but

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we can say, perhaps, that it is presumptuous of the free rider to assert his right to a

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post of majesty and command, for what the first line of attack asserts is the moral

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Compulsory thrift, or attacks on potential savers for not saving and investing enough,

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are examples of this line of attack.

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Another is an attack on the user of a natural resource that is being depleted.

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Anyone who uses such a resource at all, whatever the extent, deprives some future descendant

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of the use.

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Conservationists, therefore, call for lower present use of such resources in favor of

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greater future use.

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Not only is this compulsory benefaction an example of the first line of attack, but if

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If this argument is adopted, logically no resource subject to depletion could ever be used at all, for when the future generation comes of age, it too faces a future generation.

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This entire line of argument is therefore a peculiarly absurd one.

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The second line of attack is of the opposite form, a denunciation of the recipient of the gift.

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The recipient is denounced as a free rider, as a man who wickedly enjoys the unearned increment of the productive actions of others.

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This too is a curious line of attack.

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It is an argument which has cogency only when directed against the first line of attack, that is, against the free rider who wants compulsory free rides.

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But here we have a situation where A's actions, taken purely because they benefit himself, also have the happy effect of benefiting someone else.

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Are we to be indignant because happiness is being diffused throughout society?

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Are we to be critical because more than one person benefits from someone's actions?

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After all, the free rider did not ask for his ride.

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He received it unasked, as a boon, because a benefits from his own action.

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To adopt the second line of attack is to call in the gendarmes to apply punishment because too many people in the society are happy.

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In short, am I to be taxed for enjoying the view of my neighbor's well-kept garden?

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As one commentator on this issue has put it,

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One striking instance of this second line of attack is the nub of the Henry Georgist position,

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An attack on the unearned increment derived from a rise in the capital values of ground

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land.

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We have seen that as the economy progresses, real land rents will rise with real wage rates,

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and the result will be increases in the real capital values of land.

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Growing capital structure, division of labor, and population tend to make site land relatively

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be more scarce, and hence cause the increase.

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The argument of the Georgists is that the landowner is not morally responsible for this

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rise, which comes about from events external to his landholding, yet he reaps the benefit.

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The landowner is therefore a free rider, and his unearned increment rightfully belongs

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to society.

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Setting aside the problem of the reality of society and whether it can own anything,

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we have here a moral attack on a free-rider situation.

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The difficulty with this argument is that it proves far too much.

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For which one of us would earn anything like our present real income were it not for external

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benefits that we derive from the actions of others?

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Specifically, the great modern accumulation of capital goods is an inheritance from all

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the net savings of our ancestors.

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Without them, we would, regardless of the quality of our own moral character, be living

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in a primitive jungle.

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The inheritance of money capital from our ancestors is, of course, simply inheritance

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of shares in this capital structure.

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We are all, therefore, free riders on the past.

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We are also free riders on the present, because we benefit from the continuing investment

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of our fellow men and from their specialized skills on the market.

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Certainly the vast bulk of our wages, if they could be so imputed, would be due to this

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heritage on which we are free riders.

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The landowner has no more of an unearned increment than any one of us.

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Are all of us to suffer confiscation, therefore, and to be taxed for our happiness?

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And who, then, is to receive the loot?

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Our dead ancestors, who were our benefactors in investing the capital?

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There is justice as well as bluntness in Benjamin Tucker's criticism.

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What gives value to land? asks Rev. Hugh O. Pentecost, a Georgist, and he answers, the

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presence of population, the community.

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Then rent, or the value of land, morally belongs to the community.

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What gives value to Mr. Pentecost's preaching?

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The presence of population, the community.

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And Mr. Pentecost's salary, or the value of his preaching, morally belongs to the community.

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An important case of external benefits is external economies, which could be reaped

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by investment in certain industries, but which would not accrue as profit to the entrepreneurs.

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There is no need to dwell on the lengthy discussion in the literature on the actual range of such

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external economies, although they are apparently negligible.

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The suggestion has been persistently advanced that the government subsidize these investments

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so that society can reap the external economies.

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Such is the Pigou argument for subsidizing external economies, as well as the old and

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still dominant infant industries argument for a protective tariff.

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The call for state subsidization of external economy investments amounts to a third line

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of attack on the free market, that is, that b, the potential beneficiaries, be forced

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to subsidize the benefactors a, so that the latter will produce the former's benefits.

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This third line is the favorite argument of economists for such proposals as government-aided

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dams or reclamations, recipients taxed to pay for their benefits, or compulsory schooling,

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the taxpayers will eventually benefit from others' education, etc.

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The recipients are again bearing the onus of the policy, but here they are not criticized

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for free riding.

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They are now being saved from a situation in which they would not have obtained certain

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and Benefits, since they would not have paid for them, it is difficult to understand exactly

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what they are being saved from.

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The third line of attack therefore agrees with the first that the free market does not,

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because of human selfishness, produce enough external economy actions, but it joins the

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second line of attack in placing the cost of remedying the situation on the strangely

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Unwilling Recipients.

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If this subsidy takes place, it is obvious that the recipients are no longer free riders.

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Indeed, they are simply being coerced into buying benefits for which, acting by free

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choice, they would not have paid.

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The absurdity of the third approach may be revealed by pondering the question, who benefits

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from the suggested policy?

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The benefactor, A, receives a subsidy, it is true.

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But it is often doubtful if he benefits, since he would otherwise have acted and invested

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profitably in some other direction.

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The state has simply compensated him for losses which he would have received, and has adjusted

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the proceeds so that he receives the equivalent of an opportunity foregone.

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Therefore, A, if a business firm does not benefit, as for the recipients, they are being

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forced by the state to pay for benefits that they otherwise would not have purchased.

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How can we say that they benefit?

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A standard reply is that the recipients could not have obtained the benefit even if they

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had wanted to buy it voluntarily.

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The first problem here is by what mysterious process the critics know that the recipients

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would have liked to purchase the benefit.

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Our only way of knowing the content of preference scales is to see them revealed in concrete

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choices.

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Since the choice concretely was not to buy the benefit, there is no justification for

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for Outsiders to assert that B's preference scale was really different from what was revealed in his actions.

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Secondly, there is no reason why the prospective recipients could not have bought the benefit.

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In all cases, a benefit produced can be sold on the market and earn its value product to consumers.

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The fact that producing the benefit would not be profitable to the investor signifies that the consumers do not value it as much as they value the uses of non-specific factors in alternative lines of production.

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For costs to be higher than prospective selling price means that the non-specific factors earn more in other channels of production.

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Furthermore, in possible cases where some consumers are not satisfied with the extent

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of the market production of some benefit, they are at perfect liberty to subsidize the

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investors themselves.

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Such a voluntary subsidy would be equivalent to paying a higher market price for the benefit,

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and would reveal their willingness to pay that price.

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The fact that in any case such a subsidy has not emerged eliminates any justification for

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a coerced subsidy by the government.

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Rather than providing a benefit to the taxed beneficiaries, in fact, the coerced subsidy

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inflicts a loss upon them, for they could have spent their funds themselves on goods

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and services of greater utility.

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As Mises states, the means which a government needs in order to run a plant at a loss, or

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to subsidize an unprofitable project, must be withdrawn either from the taxpayers' spending

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and investing power, or from the loan market.

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What the government spends more, the public spends less.

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Public works are paid for by funds taken away from the citizens.

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If the government had not interfered, the citizens would have employed them for the realization

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of profit-promising projects, the realization of which is neglected merely on account of

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the government's intervention.

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Yet this non-realized project would have been profitable.

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That is, it would have employed the scarce means of production in accordance with the

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most urgent needs of the consumers.

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From the point of view of the consumers, the employment of these means of production for

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the realization of an unprofitable project is wasteful.

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It deprives them of satisfactions which they prefer to those which the government-sponsored

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project can furnish them.

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Howard S. Ellis and William Fellner, in their discussion of external economies, ignore the

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and the primordial fact that the subsidization of these economies must be at the expense of funds usable for greater satisfactions elsewhere.

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Ellis and Felner do not realize that their refutation of the Pigou thesis, that increasing cost industries are over-expanded,

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destroys any possible basis for a subsidy to the decreasing cost industries.
