WEBVTT

NOTE Classical-Liberal Roots of Marxist Class Analysis

1
00:00:00.000 --> 00:00:09.160
I'm going to be talking about class conflict, classes and class conflict, in Marxism and in classical liberalism.

2
00:00:09.160 --> 00:00:19.400
And it's clear enough that there are a few ideas that are as closely connected with Marxism as the idea of classes and class conflict.

3
00:00:19.400 --> 00:00:25.400
Take that away from Marxism and it's hard to see how you would have a Marxist philosophy of history,

4
00:00:25.400 --> 00:00:31.640
Hard to see how you would have some any Marxist theory of revolution.

5
00:00:31.640 --> 00:00:40.120
Yet, as with so much in Marxism, when it comes to dealing with classes and class conflict,

6
00:00:40.120 --> 00:00:48.800
we are faced in the corpus of Marxist writings with ambiguity and contradiction.

7
00:00:48.800 --> 00:00:53.440
These are perhaps the most famous lines that Marx ever wrote.

8
00:00:53.440 --> 00:01:01.440
The history from the Communist Manifesto, the history of all hitherto existing society, is the history of class struggles.

9
00:01:01.440 --> 00:01:04.440
Freeman and slave, listen to these pairs,

10
00:01:04.440 --> 00:01:08.440
Freeman and slave, Patrician and plebeian,

11
00:01:08.440 --> 00:01:18.440
Lord and serf, guild master and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed, stood in constant opposition to one another.

12
00:01:18.440 --> 00:01:27.940
Now, one thing that's clear from these contrasting pairs is that we're dealing, if we're dealing with classes, we are not dealing with classes in an economic sense,

13
00:01:27.940 --> 00:01:34.640
because most of those categories are legal categories. Take, for instance, freemen and slave.

14
00:01:34.640 --> 00:01:42.440
Not categories having to do with the process of production, but categories that are set up through some kind of legal definition.

15
00:01:42.440 --> 00:01:53.440
In other words, there were classes, not in an economic sense, primarily, but classes primarily in a legal and political sense, what used to in Europe be called a states, a ta, or a stenda.

16
00:01:53.440 --> 00:02:02.440
In 1927, 79 years after the publication of the manifesto, a prominent socialist theoretician, Karl Kautsky, noticed this fact.

17
00:02:02.440 --> 00:02:09.440
Okay, so that's one thing that Marx says about classes. Here's another thing. And this comes not at the beginning, but towards the end of his career.

18
00:02:09.440 --> 00:02:21.440
In the third and last volume of Capital, published posthumously in 1894, the last chapter of the third volume of Capital is entitled Classes.

19
00:02:21.440 --> 00:02:27.440
Here, Marx states, the first question to be answered is this, what constitutes a class?

20
00:02:27.440 --> 00:02:36.440
Okay, finally getting down to it. At first glance, he says, it would seem to be the identity of revenue and sources of revenue.

21
00:02:36.440 --> 00:02:59.440
But this, he says, is inadequate, because from this standpoint, physicians and officials would also form two classes, and distinct classes would be yielded by, as he says, the infinite fragmentation of interest and rank into which the division of social labor splits laborers as well as capitalists and landlords.

22
00:02:59.440 --> 00:03:08.440
The latter, for instance, into owners of vineyards, that would be a different class, farm owners would be a different class, owners of forests a different class, and so on.

23
00:03:08.440 --> 00:03:14.440
At this point, there's a note by Engels, here the manuscript breaks off.

24
00:03:14.440 --> 00:03:24.440
Now, as Mises used to say, it's not that Marx fell dead over the manuscript, you know, shot through the window or something.

25
00:03:24.440 --> 00:03:37.440
He lived another 15 years, and yet there is nothing more concise or consistent, more unambiguous that he ever writes about classes.

26
00:03:37.440 --> 00:03:51.440
So, whatever the debate about the defects of the Marxist view of classes, we are faced with this as a tool, a possible tool of social analysis.

27
00:03:51.440 --> 00:03:59.440
Some idea of classes, some idea of class conflict, intelligent people find that interesting, attractive.

28
00:03:59.440 --> 00:04:08.440
They have the sense, I think, that if you talk about conflicting classes and conflicting interests of classes,

29
00:04:08.440 --> 00:04:14.440
there's perhaps more truth in that than there is on the editorial page of the New York Times,

30
00:04:14.440 --> 00:04:19.440
you know, where everything is harmonious in society and everybody wants the good of everybody else.

31
00:04:19.440 --> 00:04:27.080
leaders favor what's good for everyone, so people have a sense well with this

32
00:04:27.080 --> 00:04:31.720
idea of classes you're getting perhaps to a more basic, you're unveiling some

33
00:04:31.720 --> 00:04:38.120
kind of secret about society that has a tang of truth and reality about it, and

34
00:04:38.120 --> 00:04:45.120
this is true, but what my thesis this morning is that we can have a theory of

35
00:04:45.120 --> 00:04:49.240
classes, we can have a theory of class conflict, but one that has nothing to do

36
00:04:49.240 --> 00:04:56.120
with Marx, one that in fact, antedated Marx, because the fact of the matter is that there

37
00:04:56.120 --> 00:05:01.640
was a theory of class conflict developed by classical liberals before Marxism and on which

38
00:05:01.640 --> 00:05:10.480
Marx himself drew. Now, I'm using this blackboard because there will be a number of probably

39
00:05:10.480 --> 00:05:20.480
and the unfamiliar names I'm going to be using in the course of this morning.

40
00:05:20.480 --> 00:05:25.480
I'm not sure whether you'll be able to see this too well.

41
00:05:25.480 --> 00:05:28.480
Can't see it at all? I'm sorry, but perhaps other people...

42
00:05:28.480 --> 00:05:32.480
Can you see this at all? So the first row sees it.

43
00:05:32.480 --> 00:05:38.480
We have different classes here too.

44
00:05:38.480 --> 00:05:47.480
I'll spell this out, Blanqui, B-L-A-N-Q-U-I, Adolf Blanqui was a protégé of Jean-Baptiste

45
00:05:47.480 --> 00:05:54.840
Say, S-A-Y, and succeeded him as professor of political economy at a prestigious school

46
00:05:54.840 --> 00:05:56.840
in Paris.

47
00:05:56.840 --> 00:06:01.280
In what was probably the first history of economic thought, in 1837, 11 years before

48
00:06:01.280 --> 00:06:06.280
the Communist Manifesto, this is what Blanqui says, in all the revolutions there have been

49
00:06:06.280 --> 00:06:08.280
The Theory of Money and Credit

50
00:06:36.280 --> 00:06:41.120
from between these groups he says so in one country the fruit of labor is taken

51
00:06:41.120 --> 00:06:46.600
from the workmen by taxes under pretense of the welfare of the state in another by

52
00:06:46.600 --> 00:06:50.920
privileges declaring labor a royal concession and making one pay dearly for

53
00:06:50.920 --> 00:06:55.160
the right to devote himself to it the same abuse is reproduced under forms more

54
00:06:55.160 --> 00:07:00.400
indirect but not less oppressive when by means of customs duties the state shares

55
00:07:00.400 --> 00:07:04.760
with the privileged industries the benefits of the taxes imposed on non

56
00:07:04.760 --> 00:07:07.760
Unprivileged Classes

57
00:07:07.760 --> 00:07:10.760
But this is not something that was invented by Blanqui.

58
00:07:10.760 --> 00:07:17.760
The idea of classes and class conflict in this sense was by his time, and certainly by Marx's time, a common place.

59
00:07:17.760 --> 00:07:21.760
It was virtually a cliché of social science.

60
00:07:21.760 --> 00:07:28.760
Marx and Engels were well aware of the existence of this earlier classical liberal idea of class conflicts.

61
00:07:28.760 --> 00:07:30.960
Marx himself said in a letter,

62
00:07:30.960 --> 00:07:32.680
No credit is due to me

63
00:07:32.680 --> 00:07:37.160
for discovering the existence of classes in modern society or the struggle between them.

64
00:07:37.160 --> 00:07:39.800
Long before me, bourgeois historians

65
00:07:39.800 --> 00:07:41.880
had described the historical development

66
00:07:41.880 --> 00:07:44.280
of this class struggle.

67
00:07:44.280 --> 00:07:48.440
The two most important of the bourgeois historians that he mentions are

68
00:07:48.440 --> 00:07:52.920
Augustin Thierry, T-H-I-E-R-R-Y

69
00:07:52.920 --> 00:07:56.360
and Francois Guizot,

70
00:07:56.360 --> 00:08:00.160
GUIZOT

71
00:08:00.160 --> 00:08:03.320
Let me just stop a second.

72
00:08:03.320 --> 00:08:05.120
I'm going to be mentioning other names.

73
00:08:05.120 --> 00:08:09.280
I have on the board Comte, Charles Comte, Charles de Noyer.

74
00:08:09.280 --> 00:08:14.400
And it might strike you, how come I've never heard of these people?

75
00:08:14.400 --> 00:08:16.040
Good question.

76
00:08:16.040 --> 00:08:21.600
What this reminds me of is what Florian Aftalion, a free market economist in Paris,

77
00:08:21.600 --> 00:08:25.600
said in his introduction to the works of Bastiat.

78
00:08:25.600 --> 00:08:55.600
He says Bastiat's name is unknown in France now and it's really rather strange that those like Karl Marx and Ferdinand Lassalle and many others who preached the coming demise of capitalism, the immiseration of the working class, who were wrong, who were totally wrong in their predictions regarding the course of modern history, they are people whom undergraduates in America and Europe have to write term papers about every semester of their year in college.

79
00:08:55.600 --> 00:09:06.600
And these other people like Bastiat and the people that I'm mentioning here, whose names you do not know, and whose names were not mentioned to you by your professors, were the ones who turned out to be right.

80
00:09:06.600 --> 00:09:15.600
Were the ones who turned out to be right. So please bear with me if I come up with people who you might consider a little obscure.

81
00:09:15.600 --> 00:09:36.100
The reason I'm delving into this is that, as I feel, they certainly were much more correct in their analysis of social reality than the Marxists, Gramsci, Lukács, Gramsci's mother-in-law, all the people on whom dissertations are being written every day of the year.

82
00:09:36.100 --> 00:09:46.100
So Marx and Engels both conceded that they had drawn their idea of the class struggle from a previous generation of bourgeois historians in France.

83
00:09:46.100 --> 00:09:54.100
And this was something that was talked about by the writers of the Second International, like Plakhanov and Lenin and so on.

84
00:09:54.100 --> 00:09:58.100
They talked about this bourgeois or classical liberal background of Marxism.

85
00:09:58.100 --> 00:10:03.100
Nowadays, if you look up John Elster's book, for instance, Thierry's name doesn't appear.

86
00:10:33.100 --> 00:10:37.820
We have to go back to this period of the French Restoration and deal with Charles Comte, Charles

87
00:10:37.820 --> 00:10:45.260
Du Noyer, two young intellectuals who founded a publication called the Censeur, the European

88
00:10:45.260 --> 00:10:54.020
Censor, European, European Censor, not in the sense of censoring publications because they

89
00:10:54.020 --> 00:10:58.720
themselves went to jail on behalf of their views because of the censorship at the time,

90
00:10:58.720 --> 00:11:21.720
The Theory, who at that time was just about 20 years old, joined them. Together, in this magazine, for just a period of two years, from 1817 to 1819, they developed one of the most radical versions of classical liberal thought.

91
00:11:21.720 --> 00:11:31.720
and this version of the classical liberal position then had repercussions in the liberal tradition up to Herbert Spencer, beyond Herbert Spencer

92
00:11:31.720 --> 00:11:40.720
and also had its effect on Marxism through Henri de Saint-Simon who was associated with them for a brief period when he was a liberal

93
00:11:40.720 --> 00:11:47.720
and then also through other channels through Marxism. So their views became very powerful and very influential.

94
00:11:47.720 --> 00:11:54.220
There were many sources of their position, nobody, very few people invent things, there were sources.

95
00:11:54.220 --> 00:12:04.220
Tracy, as in Dick Tracy, except this is destitute to Tracy, destitute to Tracy, was an important source.

96
00:12:04.220 --> 00:12:10.920
It's a French philosopher and economist whose treatise on political economy, his friend Thomas Jefferson,

97
00:12:10.920 --> 00:12:15.920
arranged to have translated and published in America before it was published in France.

98
00:12:15.920 --> 00:12:20.080
This is what Trasi says. His definition of society is crucial.

99
00:12:20.080 --> 00:12:26.160
Society is purely and solely a continual series of exchanges.

100
00:12:26.160 --> 00:12:29.600
It is never anything else in any epoch of its duration.

101
00:12:29.600 --> 00:12:34.400
And this is the greatest eulogy we can give to it, for exchange is an admirable transaction.

102
00:12:34.400 --> 00:12:40.000
Contract parties always both gain. Consequently, society is an uninterrupted succession of

103
00:12:40.000 --> 00:12:54.000
of Advantages, Unceasingly Renewed for All Its Members. Society is an unceasing series of exchanges both in material wealth and in immaterial wealth.

104
00:12:54.000 --> 00:13:09.000
Comte de Noyer et Thierry were members of Tracy Salon, that is, he and his wife had a sort of years before the circle Bastiat conducted in Paris a gathering for young intellectuals.

105
00:13:09.000 --> 00:13:28.000
Another influence was Benjamin Constant, great French liberal and really great theoretician in general who made the distinction between what modern civilization is like and how that is distinguished from ancient Greece and Rome.

106
00:13:28.000 --> 00:13:32.000
So let's stop talking all the time about what was fitting for ancient Greece and Rome.

107
00:13:32.000 --> 00:13:35.800
in Rome. And let's stop bringing up Plato as a model, let's stop talking about

108
00:13:35.800 --> 00:13:40.360
Aristotelian politics, the polis and community and so on, because we live in a

109
00:13:40.360 --> 00:13:45.920
totally different world. Okay, and other sources as well, but the chief

110
00:13:45.920 --> 00:13:52.040
intellectual source of this movement that this magazine, the censure, is going

111
00:13:52.040 --> 00:13:58.480
to be pushing was doubtless Jean-Baptiste Say, who's the second edition of whose

112
00:13:58.480 --> 00:14:05.960
was a treaty of political economy, came out in 1814, just at the time, and 1817, the third edition, just at the time that these people,

113
00:14:05.960 --> 00:14:15.560
Danouaille and Comte and Thierry, are looking for new ideas. These young intellectuals were again participants in Say's salon,

114
00:14:15.560 --> 00:14:25.120
and Comte, Charles Comte, became the son-in-law of Say. Jean-Baptiste Say held that wealth is comprised of what has value,

115
00:14:25.120 --> 00:14:31.600
and what has value that is based on utility. This is what he says, different

116
00:14:31.600 --> 00:14:36.040
ways of producing all consist in taking a product in one state and putting it

117
00:14:36.040 --> 00:14:41.440
into another state or condition in which it has more utility and value in one way

118
00:14:41.440 --> 00:14:44.560
or another from the moment that one creates or augments the utility of

119
00:14:44.560 --> 00:14:50.800
things one augments their value one is exercising an industry and one is

120
00:14:50.800 --> 00:14:55.760
Producing Wealth. All those members of society, and this is that's the end of

121
00:14:55.760 --> 00:15:00.180
his quotation, his position was that all those members of society who contribute

122
00:15:00.180 --> 00:15:06.660
to the creation of values are productive members of society. And he put in at the

123
00:15:06.660 --> 00:15:11.140
head of all of this the entrepreneur. Say was one of the first to realize the

124
00:15:11.140 --> 00:15:15.520
boundless possibilities of a free economy, unlike the English economists at

125
00:15:15.520 --> 00:15:20.440
the time, with the pessimistic tone that obtains in Ricardo and especially

126
00:15:20.440 --> 00:15:45.440
The Productive Power of Industry is limited only by the ignorance and the bad administration of states. Spread enlightenment and improve governments, or rather prevent them from doing harm, and there will be no limit that can be assigned to the multiplication of wealth.

127
00:15:45.440 --> 00:15:57.440
You see, the central insight, we are in a different world now. There is no limit. We have discovered the genie has come out of the bottle. We have discovered Aladdin's lamp.

128
00:15:57.440 --> 00:16:02.440
And that is the productive forces of free competitive capitalism.

129
00:16:02.440 --> 00:16:09.440
According to Say, however, there are categories of people who consume wealth rather than produce it.

130
00:16:09.440 --> 00:16:18.440
He identified these unproductive classes. They were the reactionary classes, the army, the government, and the state-supported clergy.

131
00:16:18.440 --> 00:16:29.440
He also recognized, however, that members of the industrious class, entrepreneurs and capitalists and merchants, can sometimes act as exploiters.

132
00:16:29.440 --> 00:16:34.440
And that is when they go to the state for special privileges.

133
00:16:34.440 --> 00:16:38.920
And there are quotations that could be brought up from Say on that.

134
00:16:38.920 --> 00:16:43.720
That is, on the one hand, he recognizes that there exist these old reactionary classes

135
00:16:43.720 --> 00:16:50.360
that live off the wealth produced by the creative classes.

136
00:16:50.360 --> 00:16:58.760
People in the bloated army establishments, the state-supported priests, the state functionaries in general.

137
00:16:58.760 --> 00:17:05.160
However, there are even people who appear to be industrious, who appear to be entrepreneurs.

138
00:17:05.160 --> 00:17:10.040
When the point comes that they go over and snatch away privileges from the state,

139
00:17:10.040 --> 00:17:15.320
they can be said to have passed into the category of the unproductive and the exploiting.

140
00:17:17.000 --> 00:17:23.160
The achievement of Charles Comte of De Noyer and Thierry in their Censeurs or Opéennes was to have

141
00:17:23.160 --> 00:17:31.160
to have taken the idea of Say and the other writers and to have made that into a militant political creed.

142
00:17:32.160 --> 00:17:38.160
They call this creed industrialism. Industrialism was the name that they gave to it.

143
00:17:39.160 --> 00:17:46.160
They take as their starting point man, who acts in order to satisfy his needs,

144
00:17:46.160 --> 00:17:58.160
And they come to the conclusion the whole function and purpose of society is to create goods, values, utilities that satisfy the material and immaterial needs of man.

145
00:17:58.160 --> 00:18:02.160
Very much of a praxeological position they have there.

146
00:18:02.160 --> 00:18:08.160
There are three ways that a human being in acting can satisfy his needs.

147
00:18:08.160 --> 00:18:13.160
Sometimes nature presents things spontaneously. That doesn't happen too often.

148
00:18:13.160 --> 00:18:26.160
He can work and labor and use his skill in order to create values and utilities, or he can plunder the values and utilities that other people have created.

149
00:18:26.160 --> 00:18:36.160
These are the only three ways. In a given society, a sharp distinction must be drawn between those who live by plunder and those who live by production.

150
00:18:36.160 --> 00:18:42.960
Production, and this is, you might say, all of industrialism is already contained there.

151
00:18:42.960 --> 00:18:46.920
They repeat this over and over again and there are different names that they use, they talk

152
00:18:46.920 --> 00:18:52.000
about the plunderers, the devouring class, the consumers, the idlers, they talk about

153
00:18:52.000 --> 00:18:57.640
the creative people, the producing people, the bees rather than the hornets, again and

154
00:18:57.640 --> 00:19:01.040
again making this sharp distinction.

155
00:19:01.040 --> 00:19:05.660
To attempt to live without producing is to live as savages.

156
00:19:05.660 --> 00:19:13.500
Mises is another name that they give to plundering people, and as Comte says, a savage can be

157
00:19:13.500 --> 00:19:20.140
found in rags or can be found in a beautiful embroidered suit, savage underneath if he

158
00:19:20.140 --> 00:19:26.540
lives by plunder, a civilized man, whether he's in rags or in a nice suit, a civilized

159
00:19:26.540 --> 00:19:32.300
man is a person who lives by production.

160
00:19:32.300 --> 00:19:56.300
Now, this contrast of classes was embedded by the industrialists, by this industrialist doctrine, in an account of history, very much in the same way that Marxism is embedded in an account of history, they embedded their doctrine in a theory of historical development.

161
00:19:56.300 --> 00:20:09.300
Basically, different societies can be characterized as plundering or productive, depending on what the main way of getting possession of wealth is.

162
00:20:09.300 --> 00:20:16.600
So that the ancient Greeks, the Romans at the time of the Republic and the Empire, they were plundering societies.

163
00:20:16.600 --> 00:20:26.600
Then, a time came when Germanic invasions occurred in Europe. A warrior barbarian elite

164
00:20:26.600 --> 00:20:33.160
placed itself in control of the toiling peasantry of Europe and that also was a plundering age,

165
00:20:33.160 --> 00:20:40.240
the age of feudalism. Throughout the Middle Ages, the nobility exploited not only the peasants

166
00:20:40.240 --> 00:20:45.440
but as now the towns came into existence and you had merchants and you had artisans, exploited

167
00:20:45.440 --> 00:20:50.400
them too in every way that they could. The noble's castle was nothing but a

168
00:20:50.400 --> 00:21:00.200
thieves den, in the words of the sans ser. Then naturally I'm condensing this

169
00:21:00.200 --> 00:21:06.260
very much. And the time came when the rapacious nobility was succeeded by the

170
00:21:06.260 --> 00:21:11.360
equally rapacious kings. And this is a quotation from Charles

171
00:21:11.360 --> 00:21:17.440
Charles Comte, whose thefts with violence, alterations of the coinage, bankruptcies,

172
00:21:17.440 --> 00:21:25.040
confiscations, hindrances to industry, are the common stuff of the history of France.

173
00:21:25.040 --> 00:21:30.560
As the producers in the towns produced more, more wealth was now available to be siphoned

174
00:21:30.560 --> 00:21:33.920
off by the plundering classes.

175
00:21:33.920 --> 00:21:41.120
Comte is especially bitter about royal manipulations of money and legal tender laws, and he quotes

176
00:21:41.120 --> 00:21:50.120
This is a 17th century writer on how discountings enriched the men of money and finance at the expense of the public.

177
00:21:50.120 --> 00:22:00.120
When we come to modern times, there are three main types of the idle classes.

178
00:22:00.120 --> 00:22:24.120
Now, the Sancerre group, like classical liberals, from the beginning, from the Levellers in the 17th century, from Turgot and Bentham and through the 19th century, up to Mises and Rothbard, were pro-peace and emphasized peace, bitter opponents of militarism, of military establishments and of war.

179
00:22:54.120 --> 00:23:03.120
These are the armies of Europe. It is massacres, rapes, pillages, conflagrations, vices and crimes, deprivation, ruin, enslavement of the peoples.

180
00:23:03.120 --> 00:23:08.120
These armies have been the shame and scourge of civilization.

181
00:23:08.120 --> 00:23:13.120
Who else are among the idols? They put in the monks.

182
00:23:13.120 --> 00:23:19.120
The monks who spread the doctrine of apathy and idleness.

183
00:23:19.120 --> 00:23:24.020
This is something I'll mention in a moment, the anti-clerical and anti-religious bias here,

184
00:23:24.020 --> 00:23:28.020
which is very much conditioned by the times and the climate of thought.

185
00:23:28.020 --> 00:23:32.320
The nobles, who are no longer able to live directly by robbing the industrious,

186
00:23:32.320 --> 00:23:40.220
they now begin to fill government positions and live by a new form of tribute under the name of taxes.

187
00:23:40.220 --> 00:23:48.620
I must confess, in reading these writers, I sometimes hear in the back of my mind the voice of Murray Rothbard saying some of these phrases.

188
00:23:48.620 --> 00:23:53.100
lived under the name of a new form of tribute called taxes.

189
00:23:54.300 --> 00:23:57.500
Who else among these, the idle class, the bourgeoisie,

190
00:23:58.500 --> 00:24:02.260
who were industrious and then used their position to ennoble themselves.

191
00:24:02.260 --> 00:24:05.660
He had a noble title, their business went to ruin,

192
00:24:05.660 --> 00:24:11.180
they had finally to appeal for pensions and to be supported at the expense of the public.

193
00:24:11.780 --> 00:24:16.700
And then finally, the governments themselves are,

194
00:24:16.700 --> 00:24:23.740
and the personnel of the governments themselves belong to these new exploiting classes.

195
00:24:23.740 --> 00:24:35.540
The class of contemporary exploiter that was explored by the industrialist writers more than any other was the government functionary.

196
00:24:35.540 --> 00:24:43.820
As Charles Comte put it, what must never be lost sight of is that a public functionary in his capacity as functionary produces absolutely nothing.

197
00:24:43.820 --> 00:24:52.920
On the contrary, he exists only on the products of the industrious class, and that he can consume nothing but what he has taken first from the producers.

198
00:24:52.920 --> 00:25:03.720
True to their kind of economic interpretation of history, they explain the growth of government by the high salaries that are offered to government employees.

199
00:25:03.720 --> 00:25:09.220
They contrast Europe with America. America, by the way, is always a favored industrialist country,

200
00:25:09.220 --> 00:25:15.220
And it's a kind of a sign of a radical classical liberal, a kind of libertarian in the past,

201
00:25:15.220 --> 00:25:19.220
that they were pro-American, not as Hayek says pro-British.

202
00:25:19.220 --> 00:25:23.920
That really wasn't the dividing line between who really loved liberty and who did not,

203
00:25:23.920 --> 00:25:27.520
but more the fact that they were pro-American.

204
00:25:27.520 --> 00:25:31.420
And in America, he says, he's a friend, the friends of Jefferson, right?

205
00:25:31.420 --> 00:25:33.320
There were no people who were friends of Jefferson.

206
00:25:33.320 --> 00:25:38.020
In America, the President of the United States travels to his inauguration on a horse,

207
00:25:38.020 --> 00:25:44.980
on horseback by himself, right? Times have changed. Nobody gets a true salary,

208
00:25:44.980 --> 00:25:49.700
at most they get indemnified for their time and for their expenses. That's how it should be.

209
00:25:50.820 --> 00:25:57.540
What is it like in France instead? He says in France we have enough people in the government

210
00:25:57.540 --> 00:26:04.980
to govern 20 kingdoms, so overloaded with the government bureaucracies.

211
00:26:04.980 --> 00:26:14.980
And as soon as the number of bureaucrats increases and the demand for jobs increases, we see two things happening.

212
00:26:14.980 --> 00:26:18.980
One, the scope of government increases as a consequence of that, do you understand?

213
00:26:18.980 --> 00:26:23.980
First, they get the jobs and then they have to look around for something to do.

214
00:26:23.980 --> 00:26:29.980
So he says we find them now concerning themselves with the food supply, with medicine, with education, with libraries,

215
00:26:29.980 --> 00:26:32.980
with everything that the people should be doing for themselves.

216
00:26:32.980 --> 00:26:52.980
He talks also, by the way, about the psychic gains of governmental employment, the power of lording it over others, and many other points could be raised here, unfortunately,

217
00:26:52.980 --> 00:27:11.980
Many other points could be raised here. Unfortunately, Evers took so much time with his talk before, virtually none left for myself.

218
00:27:11.980 --> 00:27:16.980
But let me point out one interesting thing.

219
00:27:16.980 --> 00:27:24.980
This also ties in with Marxism, because Marx has two ideas of what the state is.

220
00:27:24.980 --> 00:27:30.980
One idea is the state is the governing body, is the executive committee of the ruling class.

221
00:27:30.980 --> 00:27:35.980
You've got capitalists who pull the strings, right? That's the most common view of the class.

222
00:27:35.980 --> 00:27:43.980
However, he has another view that he expresses sometimes, which emphasizes the expansion of the government and the power of the government's bureaucracy.

223
00:27:43.980 --> 00:27:48.860
Bureaucracy. This is what Marx says in one of his works about the French government.

224
00:27:48.860 --> 00:27:54.340
This executive power, France being the classic case of bureaucracy, this

225
00:27:54.340 --> 00:27:58.140
executive power with its enormous bureaucracy and military organization,

226
00:27:58.140 --> 00:28:02.940
with its ingenious state machinery embracing wide strata, with a host of

227
00:28:02.940 --> 00:28:06.540
officials numbering half a million, besides an army of another half a

228
00:28:06.540 --> 00:28:12.580
million, this appalling parasitic body which enmeshes the body of

229
00:28:12.580 --> 00:28:19.580
The French society like a net, and chokes all of its pores, spraying up in the days of the absolute monarchy.

230
00:28:19.580 --> 00:28:31.580
Now that's his description of the government, that sounds very much like a classical liberal description of a bloated, overwrought government apparatus.

231
00:28:31.580 --> 00:28:33.580
And Marx does talk that way sometimes.

232
00:28:33.580 --> 00:28:43.580
And I don't want to say he got it directly from the industrialist writers because by his time it was a general cliché of classical liberal thought.

233
00:28:43.580 --> 00:28:51.380
That the government and the government's bureaucracy has become a leviathan, has become a monster.

234
00:28:51.380 --> 00:28:54.380
But nonetheless, it's interesting to see the parallels.

235
00:28:54.380 --> 00:29:03.140
One might also mention that the industrialist writers or other parallels, there are classes and there's also class ideology.

236
00:29:03.140 --> 00:29:06.740
They talk about ideas which are appropriate to the plundering classes.

237
00:29:06.740 --> 00:29:08.640
There's false consciousness.

238
00:29:08.640 --> 00:29:19.240
Sometimes the industrious classes take over or have instilled in them the ideas that really come from the plundering classes.

239
00:29:19.240 --> 00:29:21.940
The Caesar and Pompey. Why do you think they're glorious?

240
00:29:21.940 --> 00:29:27.440
The glorious ones are the people who fought for their freedom.

241
00:29:27.440 --> 00:29:29.940
Okay, there's very much that could be said here.

242
00:29:29.940 --> 00:29:39.940
and Thierry, remember Thierry again is the one that Marx said together with Guizot, it's from Thierry that he gets the idea of class conflict in history.

243
00:29:39.940 --> 00:29:47.580
Thierry is part of the Sancerre group, he's a friend of theirs, he contributes as many articles as Compton de Noyer due to this magazine.

244
00:29:47.580 --> 00:29:54.820
He's about, as I said, 22 years old and Thierry follows this industrialist philosophy.

245
00:29:54.820 --> 00:30:06.380
And really you can find even more extreme laissez-faire remarks in Thierry's writings than perhaps even that of his friends.

246
00:30:06.380 --> 00:30:12.260
He says, for instance, by the way, he comments on a book that Trossy put out.

247
00:30:12.260 --> 00:30:14.780
You can see the Trossy whom I mentioned before.

248
00:30:14.780 --> 00:30:16.340
Constant interrelations.

249
00:30:16.340 --> 00:30:22.740
When the Say's third edition comes out, there's a two-part review of 120 pages in the censure.

250
00:30:22.740 --> 00:30:28.900
So what we have here is a tight network of brilliant classical liberal theoreticians.

251
00:30:28.900 --> 00:30:32.220
This is what Thierry says, what will happen eventually.

252
00:30:32.220 --> 00:30:43.940
Industry, that means voluntary production, will divest power of its revenues by offering at less cost the services which power gets itself paid for.

253
00:30:43.940 --> 00:30:52.100
It's interesting to consider what they might have thought might have been the limits of that divesting power of the services it pretends to give.

254
00:30:52.100 --> 00:30:56.380
And then he says, what's the world going to look like? Federations will replace states.

255
00:30:56.380 --> 00:31:02.860
The loose but indissoluble chains of interest will succeed the despotism of men and of the laws.

256
00:31:02.860 --> 00:31:08.460
The tendency towards government, the first passion of the human race, will see to the free community

257
00:31:08.460 --> 00:31:17.420
the requirement of civilized men. The era of empire is over, the era of association begins.

258
00:31:17.420 --> 00:31:24.180
See, gradually, the old classes are going to become extinct, and everybody will be a producer.

259
00:31:24.180 --> 00:31:26.680
There will be only producers.

260
00:31:26.680 --> 00:31:29.480
A new world was being born, these men thought.

261
00:31:29.480 --> 00:31:36.680
A new industrial man with a new psychology, a new social psychology appropriate to him, a new system of values.

262
00:31:36.680 --> 00:31:39.680
There was a rupture, there was a hiatus, as they saw it.

263
00:31:39.680 --> 00:31:43.080
This was the, you might say, the utopian period.

264
00:31:43.080 --> 00:31:51.480
These were the Halcyon days, the beginning of the 19th century, when they thought that the world was going to get freer and freer.

265
00:31:51.480 --> 00:31:56.980
They had science now in the form of economics, in the form of the political economy of say,

266
00:31:56.980 --> 00:32:01.980
and the whole world was going to be changed along these lines.

267
00:32:01.980 --> 00:32:11.480
There are many quotations here that I could give you concerning this.

268
00:32:11.480 --> 00:32:37.880
And, if it should happen that, which will not happen, that they lost out in Europe, Thierry says, now, unlike the fighters of freedom of the past, who died and had to suffer defeat over the ages, over the centuries, now, now the seas are ours and beyond the seas America, so that the idea of freedom will never die, even if it's defeated in Europe.

269
00:32:37.880 --> 00:32:48.480
Okay, one could reasonably critique this analysis as brilliant and suggestive and creative as it is, I think.

270
00:32:48.480 --> 00:32:54.180
One thing that I would want to say is that by talking about production, by talking about creation,

271
00:32:54.180 --> 00:33:00.280
they skew it a little bit because that then makes it possible for them to take off in their secular,

272
00:33:00.280 --> 00:33:07.480
anti-religious way against religious people and monks and not make the distinction between those who are state-supported,

273
00:33:07.480 --> 00:33:12.200
who, of course, belong to the idle and consuming classes, on the one hand,

274
00:33:12.200 --> 00:33:16.480
the distinction between them and those who are supported by voluntary contributions,

275
00:33:16.480 --> 00:33:19.440
as they do, for instance, with beggars and paupers also.

276
00:33:19.440 --> 00:33:24.720
They put paupers in the category together with brigands and feudal lords and so on,

277
00:33:24.720 --> 00:33:29.280
because they're not creative, because they are idle, but that's not really the point.

278
00:33:29.280 --> 00:33:35.840
The question is whether somebody, whether these paupers are supported by voluntary charity, by voluntary exchange,

279
00:33:35.840 --> 00:33:38.560
or if they're supported by taxes.

280
00:33:38.560 --> 00:33:42.000
So in other words, by emphasizing production,

281
00:33:42.000 --> 00:33:47.520
rather than voluntary exchange, there are problems that come in there.

282
00:33:47.520 --> 00:33:53.920
Okay, well this was in the, about just before 1820,

283
00:33:53.920 --> 00:34:02.160
and as time goes on in the 1820s, 1830s, things begin to change.

284
00:34:02.160 --> 00:34:09.040
We have this masterful, liberating, militant philosophy,

285
00:34:09.040 --> 00:34:15.600
but the carriers of that philosophy begin to accommodate themselves, especially after 1830.

286
00:34:15.600 --> 00:34:22.800
In 1830, there's another revolution in France, and the old aristocratic classes are thrown out.

287
00:34:22.800 --> 00:34:28.160
This is now called the bourgeois revolution, because there is a king, Louis Philippe,

288
00:34:28.160 --> 00:34:36.760
But he surrounds himself with bankers, with businessmen, with merchants, and many people get the idea,

289
00:34:36.760 --> 00:34:45.920
well, the old idle classes, the old rapacious exploiting classes, the church, the lords and so on, they're out.

290
00:34:45.920 --> 00:34:54.680
And now we have the industrious ones, the ones that we all along said should be in power, they're in power.

291
00:34:54.680 --> 00:35:09.680
Of course, this period of the July Monarchy, as it's called, the regime that's set up in 1830, is known as one of the most corrupt in the whole history of France.

292
00:35:09.680 --> 00:35:18.680
These bankers and these businessmen who now took over France used it in the way that Say himself before had predicted and complained.

293
00:35:18.680 --> 00:35:23.680
Namely, they pretend to be part of the industrious class, they pretend to be creative entrepreneurs.

294
00:35:23.680 --> 00:35:46.280
What are they doing now, going to the state, asking for subsidies for their railroads, now the railroads are built with state subsidies, and more than anything else, and protective tariffs, it was a protectionist regime, and more than anything else, asking for government jobs.

295
00:35:46.280 --> 00:35:58.200
Here's a quotation from Alexis de Tocqueville about this bourgeois republic, this July monarchy,

296
00:35:58.200 --> 00:36:05.560
that finally Thierry and Comte and Dunway accepted. Some of them took jobs in the new monarchy.

297
00:36:05.560 --> 00:36:12.240
See, these people have been pushing this radical class analysis before, now accommodating themselves to this regime.

298
00:36:12.240 --> 00:36:27.240
The Middle Class, he says, entrenched itself in every vacant government job,

299
00:36:27.240 --> 00:36:34.240
prodigiously augmented the number of such jobs, and accustomed itself to live almost as much upon the Treasury as upon its own industry.

300
00:36:34.240 --> 00:36:45.240
In other words, during this period, those functionaries that the industrialists had been bitterly attacking now are increased many-fold.

301
00:36:45.240 --> 00:36:58.240
Okay, this much more than could be said about this, but one thing I want to point out to you is that this is not the only instance in the history of classical liberalism of a theory of classes and a theory of class conflict analysis.

302
00:36:58.240 --> 00:37:05.240
As a matter of fact, one might say that in America, a purer version of this theory was developed,

303
00:37:05.240 --> 00:37:11.240
purer because they were not confused by the idea of inherited orders.

304
00:37:11.240 --> 00:37:18.240
The upper estates, as they were called, and then finally the third estate, which existed in Europe.

305
00:37:18.240 --> 00:37:26.240
In America, the connection between classes and government action, and especially the dispensing of government money,

306
00:37:26.240 --> 00:37:27.920
was much clearer than it was in Europe.

307
00:37:27.920 --> 00:37:32.640
You could talk about classes on the basis of heredity, style, lifestyle and so on.

308
00:37:32.640 --> 00:37:33.760
Didn't exist in America.

309
00:37:33.760 --> 00:37:36.080
So you had a clearer kind of situation there.

310
00:37:36.080 --> 00:37:38.080
And in America such a tradition does develop.

311
00:37:39.440 --> 00:37:46.880
From the time of John Taylor of Caroline through William Leggett and John C. Calhoun.

312
00:37:48.080 --> 00:37:52.800
John Taylor and what you have there is the Jeffersonian tradition, Jacksonian tradition,

313
00:37:52.800 --> 00:38:00.800
The Anti-Government Tradition and the tradition that's very jealous of the privileges that that central government is giving out to certain classes.

314
00:38:00.800 --> 00:38:07.800
John Taylor of Caroline was outraged by what he saw as the betrayal of the American Revolution and the principles of the revolution.

315
00:38:07.800 --> 00:38:15.800
By a new aristocracy, keeps using the term aristocracy, based on separate legal interests, as he called it.

316
00:38:15.800 --> 00:38:38.800
Above all the bankers who are privileged to issue legal tender, issue phony paper that has the force of legal tender, new aristocracy based on the contractors who gain from the public improvements as they're called, the protected manufacturers, these are the new aristocrats in America.

317
00:38:38.800 --> 00:38:46.800
The same view, three decades later, is presented in America in the 1830s by William Leggett.

318
00:38:46.800 --> 00:38:53.800
Liberty Press has put out a collection of his essays from back then, which are wonderful.

319
00:38:53.800 --> 00:39:02.800
If you want to see a real dyed-in-the-wool American libertarian, whose outrage of the Governor of New York has the nerve to declare a Thanksgiving Day.

320
00:39:02.800 --> 00:39:06.800
Who the hell is he to tell us when we can give thanksgiving to God?

321
00:39:06.800 --> 00:39:10.800
That should be done by our ministers, our priests, not by the governor of New York.

322
00:39:10.800 --> 00:39:13.800
Hardcore, in many respects.

323
00:39:13.800 --> 00:39:19.800
And especially on the favors given out by the government in the creation of a new aristocracy.

324
00:39:19.800 --> 00:39:27.800
He says in Europe, you can go to a place in the area of Genoa where they have what they call the street of palaces.

325
00:39:27.800 --> 00:39:40.800
Look at those beautiful palaces and you can tell they were built on the blood and bones of productive people, built by the aristocracy.

326
00:39:40.800 --> 00:39:54.800
He says in America we have such places also, not for the kind of European aristocrats, but what he calls our scrip aristocracy, again the bankers and the people who are putting out paper money with the support of the state.

327
00:39:54.800 --> 00:40:24.800
John C. Calhoun directs attention especially to the taxing and dispersing power of the government and says, when all is said and done, what is government about? Government collects money from some people, those are the people who pay taxes, disperses it to another set of people. And those are the two classes when all is said and done, that politics is about money.

328
00:40:24.800 --> 00:40:30.800
The people who gain from taxes and the people who lose.

329
00:40:30.800 --> 00:40:36.800
Murray Rothbard has emphasized the importance of John C. Calhoun.

330
00:40:36.800 --> 00:40:43.800
This idea of classes and a class conflict again and again.

331
00:40:43.800 --> 00:40:48.800
John Bright and Richard Cobden, when they're fighting to repeal the Corn Laws in England,

332
00:40:48.800 --> 00:40:53.800
talk about the aristocracy as a class and the great proprietors of the soil.

333
00:40:53.800 --> 00:40:58.960
The class that is exploiting the working productive classes of England and just as

334
00:40:58.960 --> 00:41:03.160
with the industrialists who are the working classes everybody who produces

335
00:41:03.160 --> 00:41:07.120
whether they're capitalists whether they're entrepreneurs merchants working

336
00:41:07.120 --> 00:41:13.160
people everybody who produces values William Graham Sumner talks about the

337
00:41:13.160 --> 00:41:17.600
plutocrats this is a term which was I think during the New Deal maybe the

338
00:41:17.600 --> 00:41:23.640
progressive era era was debased because plutocrats meant not just anybody who's

339
00:41:23.640 --> 00:41:28.440
is rich, but capitalists who use the state rather than the market to get what they want.

340
00:41:28.440 --> 00:41:30.840
Again, constituting themselves into a class.

341
00:41:30.840 --> 00:41:38.480
And all of these people are, by the way, I do motions now because I heard that it, as

342
00:41:38.480 --> 00:41:49.020
with Governor Dukakis, put a little bit of life into my talks, and all of these writers

343
00:41:49.020 --> 00:41:54.220
emphasize the exploiting character, especially in the military establishment.

344
00:41:54.220 --> 00:41:58.420
They were the great anti-imperialists of their time.

345
00:41:58.420 --> 00:42:00.180
We are exploited by many people.

346
00:42:00.180 --> 00:42:07.140
And not least of them are the leeches in the armies and navies of the world.

347
00:42:07.140 --> 00:42:12.740
Now, it seems to me that we're, in many respects, seeing a revival of this class conflict analysis.

348
00:42:12.740 --> 00:42:15.580
I could mention to you various scholars.

349
00:42:15.580 --> 00:42:19.220
Professor Skokpol, Theda Skokpol

350
00:42:19.220 --> 00:42:24.140
of the University of Chicago, S-K-O-C-P-O-L,

351
00:42:24.140 --> 00:42:26.340
edited a book called Significantly,

352
00:42:26.340 --> 00:42:28.940
Bringing the State Back In.

353
00:42:28.940 --> 00:42:32.300
Bringing the state back in when we are discussing classes

354
00:42:32.300 --> 00:42:34.780
and the dynamics of social conflict.

355
00:42:34.780 --> 00:42:36.440
Understand, bringing the state back in

356
00:42:36.440 --> 00:42:40.420
as the instrument that creates classes by its very action.

357
00:42:42.740 --> 00:42:47.100
and other scholars could be mentioned as well.

358
00:42:47.100 --> 00:42:50.180
One thing I want to point out to you that from a scientific point of view it seems to

359
00:42:50.180 --> 00:42:51.420
be undeniable

360
00:42:51.420 --> 00:42:54.960
that this classical liberal theory

361
00:42:54.960 --> 00:42:58.720
aside from everything else has a superiority over Marxism

362
00:42:58.720 --> 00:43:03.900
in that it can explain much more than Marxism can explain. In particular

363
00:43:03.900 --> 00:43:08.060
it can explain Marxist societies.

364
00:43:08.060 --> 00:43:11.940
You understand? The Marxist theory cannot explain Marxist societies.

365
00:43:11.940 --> 00:43:14.700
There aren't supposed to be any classes anymore.

366
00:43:14.700 --> 00:43:18.740
Communism is the abolition of private property, Marx said, in so many words.

367
00:43:18.740 --> 00:43:19.700
He said that.

368
00:43:19.700 --> 00:43:22.420
Well, private property has been abolished.

369
00:43:22.420 --> 00:43:26.980
It's clear enough that in some sense, whether you call them a stratum

370
00:43:26.980 --> 00:43:31.300
rather than a class, in some sense there are classes

371
00:43:31.300 --> 00:43:34.380
in all Marxist countries.

372
00:43:34.380 --> 00:43:36.940
The classical liberal theory can explain that,

373
00:43:36.940 --> 00:43:40.780
because it is control of the state power that creates classes there

374
00:43:40.780 --> 00:43:44.780
as it does in relatively free market societies as well.

375
00:43:46.900 --> 00:43:51.900
So that it seems to me that as Bill Evers said,

376
00:43:53.300 --> 00:43:56.860
we are at a historic turning point.

377
00:43:57.880 --> 00:44:02.540
Marxism seems to be dying as a philosophy.

378
00:44:02.540 --> 00:44:07.540
Evidently, virtually no one who's not in the secret police

379
00:44:07.540 --> 00:44:19.540
I learned from friends that Marxism, which at one time was going to be marching through the institutions of West Germany and France, it's dying there too.

380
00:44:19.540 --> 00:44:32.540
It's in very bad repute in the academy. It's only in England and now belatedly in America and in institutions of higher learning that Marxism is experiencing a certain revival.

381
00:44:32.540 --> 00:44:40.060
is experience a certain revival talk about cultural lag that's in theory in

382
00:44:40.060 --> 00:44:49.500
practice they will be setting up a stock exchange in Budapest Bill Evers

383
00:44:49.500 --> 00:44:54.740
mentioned as I'm glad to see that he notices headlines of newspapers at least

384
00:44:54.740 --> 00:45:03.740
I mentioned that Gorbachev, at times, an end of collectivization, collectivization of land.

385
00:45:03.740 --> 00:45:12.740
Well, you know, what was it all about then? What was it all about? Marxism in Russia.

386
00:45:12.740 --> 00:45:19.740
And the end of collectivization of land, well, it's too bad, it's a little too late for 10 million people.

387
00:45:19.740 --> 00:45:38.740
But still, certainly in the right direction, still, with the death philosophically and practically, one hopes, of Marxism, which really turned out to be what H.B. Acton called it, the illusion of the epoch, it was the illusion of the 20th century.

388
00:45:38.740 --> 00:46:06.730
But with its death as we approach the 21st century, we should not lose track and give up the advantages that we can get from something like class conflict analysis to make us understand politics because class conflict analysis was not originally Marxist, predated Marxism and the classical liberal version of it can illuminate social reality quite well even today. Thank you.
