WEBVTT

NOTE The Debt Bomb

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There's one of the current news magazine shows on TV

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that plays a game each week that they call Timeline.

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They tell you the events that happened a particular year and you guess the year.

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So I thought maybe we'd start out by playing a round of that this afternoon.

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And given that it's associated with the talk on the debt bomb,

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you might be able to guess the year from there.

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But hold your guesses until I've given the clues,

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after which point I assume everybody will know the right answer.

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The year I have in mind was the year that General Motors

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introduced a new luxury car, personal size luxury car, they called it

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the Monte Carlo. It was the year

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that Dwight Eisenhower passed away.

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It was the year that the Vice Presidency passed

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from Hubert Humphrey to Spiro Agnew, and it was the year of the first landing on the moon.

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Now, does everybody know what that year was? 1969, which turns out, of course, not only

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to be the year of the first landing on the moon, but also the last year in which we had

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a balanced budget in this country.

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I think I and probably most of the audience remember all those other events even at the

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time.

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We knew, we're aware at the time about Eisenhower, about the moon landing, I even knew about

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the Monte Carlo, I was in the market for a car that year.

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I don't think I knew even at the time that the federal budget was in balance, nor did

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And I have the slightest idea that that would be the last year that we would see that result.

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So it's been a long time since we've had anything close to a balanced budget.

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More importantly, over the last 15 years or so, the budget has been dramatically and chronically

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out of balance.

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One of the messages I have for you today is not some message that the budget has to be

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be balanced absolutely all the time every year without fail, but rather that there are dire

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consequences of chronic and dramatic imbalance in the federal government's budget.

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I can remind you that over the last several years, there have been a spate of books, I'm

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sure that this audience has read several of them, dealing with the potential prices that

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might be caused by the imbalance.

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One entitled Bankruptcy 1995 by Harry Figge,

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which presents some very stark figures that causes you to sit up and take notice.

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A number of others, so many that they even compete for titles.

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You have to look twice to see that the titles are different.

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There's one book out called The Bankrupting of America

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and another book called The Bankruptcy of America.

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To look very close, crowding in there,

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dealing with this particular topic.

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And for this group, those are the books

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you're likely to know about and to have read some,

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particularly the Figge book.

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One thing that I'll be able to tell you today

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is that those books are virtually ignored in academics.

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And I want to let you know that in academics,

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so the deficit seems not to be a worry at all.

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That fact in itself is something of a worry.

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I think that when the history of thought of this period comes to be written,

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the economics profession will be recorded as sleep at the switch.

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Why did they miss that problem?

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And let me try to make it real for you.

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I'll go on to say that in addition to the bankruptcy 95 and a few other books of similar title,

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Even the popular press has picked up on the dramatic imbalance in the budget.

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For a time, I haven't noticed it lately, but for a time, CBS News was running a Monday evening regular

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where they would show the deficit figures in the accumulating debt.

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They even had a little debt meter, I guess you would call it,

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kind of like the odometer in your car that was keeping track of the growing debt.

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and to give you a feel for the rate of increase if that really was an odometer in your car

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racking up miles instead of racking up dollars.

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And if you tend to trade cars about once every 100,000 miles, you'd be getting a new car

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every nine seconds, okay?

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So that's been run up at a pretty good rate.

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But this all seems to be lost in academic circles.

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There's no hint of much of a problem here.

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In fact, what we see in academics is debates of a very different kind.

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Debates sit around the question of how best to measure the deficit anyhow.

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A lot of journal articles devoted to this question and follow on questions of is the

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deficit high or is it low in some sense, or is it possibly a surplus in disguise?

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And we'll look at that view of the deficit as we go along too.

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Beyond this, the debate seems to have resolved itself in a question of whether the deficit

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is a good thing or merely benign.

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There seems to be an important conclusion that gets left out, an important possibility

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that gets left out of this debate.

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Is it a good thing?

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Some people think it is.

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There's another book out that some of you may have seen, Robert Barclay, who works

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for the Wall Street Journal, writing about the boom of the 1980s,

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something I talked about yesterday and connected it with the recession of the 1990s.

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Barclay wrote a book entitled The Seven Fat Years and How We Can Do It Again,

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not having learned the lesson that there was a connection between good times then and bad times more recently.

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Another book worth mentioning that's more in line with mainstream thinking,

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written by Robert Eisner of Northwestern, a very, very significant member of the economics profession,

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recent president of American Economic Association.

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And his book, widely read at least in the economics profession,

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is How Real Are the Federal Budget Deficits?

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And having that question as a title almost hints at the answer.

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You know, in one sense you could say, well, they're unreal, meaning that the amazing hides.

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But of course, that's not what he had in mind, that he argued, and I'll show you how shortly,

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that the deficits aren't anything to worry about at all.

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So one of the things I want to do for you today is look at some other views of the deficit,

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because if you read the kind of material that those of us with the Mises Institute typically read,

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We find it almost incredulous that people could find that deficit is either benign or a good thing and yet that's exactly what happens.

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Robert Eisner, self-identified Keynesian, has set out virtually to rewrite the macroeconomic history of the post-war era

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and rewrite it on a basis of an alternative definition of the deficit.

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Isner is upset about the way that economists tend to measure the deficit.

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He refers to the old conservative curmudgeon way of measuring a deficit.

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Well, let's look at this. Let's get it straight.

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How do we measure the deficit?

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Current government spending is somewhere on the order of $5 trillion.

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It hasn't gotten quite that high yet, $4.5 trillion.

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4.5, but I'm going to make the numbers easy and call it 5 trillion.

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So, government spending, yeah, that's what I'm going to put it into.

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What I want is government spending, which we'll call, how's this, trillion 5, is what

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I had in mind.

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Government spending is about a trillion 5, so each year the government spends about ...

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Do I hear a bid for any more zero?

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Hey isn't my note right?

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Government spending, about a trillion five, and the level of taxation is somewhere around a trillion two, okay.

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I'll let you imagine the rest of the zeros there, call it 1,200 billion, which is the way I had intended initially to write it.

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And the difference then, it turns out to be 300 billion, okay, do it that way, which is G minus T, okay, 300 billion.

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Well, now this, as identified by Eisner, is sort of the old curmudgeonly way of measuring the deficit,

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the old-fashioned way, and the way that he disputes.

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And he offers instead a new way of measuring the deficit, which does wonders for the calculus, it turns out.

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We get different answers all together.

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So here we've supposed the government spending of $1,500 billion and taxes of $1,200 billion,

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taking the difference to be the deficit, conventional definition.

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And now what I want to do is do a little more supposing following Eisner

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and see how he gets a modified deficit.

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Let's take the total outstanding debt.

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And again, I'm going to use rounded numbers.

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In other words, this is what I want to call about $5 trillion, it's actually about $4.5 at this time.

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So the debt itself is about $5 trillion, let's say $5,000 billion, like that.

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And then suppose, as we did before, that taxes are in the neighborhood of $1,200 billion,

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so that the government needs to borrow $300 billion.

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And let's assume that the government borrows it largely from the Federal Reserve.

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In fact, let me put this example slightly in the future, we'll say fiscal year 97,

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after which Clinton has appointed a different chairman of the Federal Reserve Bank,

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one that's more cooperative and more willing to monetize.

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And so we'll assume that that borrowing is forthcoming

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by the Treasury selling bonds to the Federal Reserve,

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which of course causes inflation.

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And let's say the inflation is as much as 10%,

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which might be not all that far-fetched for 97.

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In fact, it was what we experienced in the late 70s, that and a little more.

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But if you get an inflation rate of 10% because of the Federal Reserve

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extending credit to the Treasury,

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Then that erodes the real value of the outstanding debt, alright?

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So what counted as outstanding debt of 5 trillion at the beginning of the physical year

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is actually less by 10% at the end because of the inflation.

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The debt has been eroded away to the tune of 10%, okay?

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So the first adjustment we'll make is to subtract the 500 billion associated with the inflation

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And that gives you $4,500 billion, to which, of course, we do have to add the current borrowing, which is $300.

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And that gives us a net of, in real terms, $4,800 billion, $4,800 billion.

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Which is less, it turns out, than what you started with.

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You started with $5 trillion and you ended up with $4.8 billion.

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So this, when Eisner rewrites the book, is declared a surplus, okay?

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It's a surplus in the amount of 200 billion.

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And this is the most common usage of even the definition of deficits in the journals.

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Eisner first introduced this several years ago, and much of the empirical work in the

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journals would use the Eisnerian-measured deficit.

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And sometimes I'd have a little asterisk indicating that this measure factored in the erosion

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of the debt as a result of inflation.

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But in more modern times, in the profession, it hasn't even been thought necessary to put

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in the footnote.

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You just talk about the deficit or the surplus, whichever it is, and it's understood that you're

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measuring it in Isnerian terms.

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Now, to me, this is a little bit troubling, it defines the deficit away, in fact, one

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One of the bad consequences of the deficit is precisely the fact that the government

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tends to monetize it, and yet by their monetizing it, they reduce the deficit and possibly turn

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it into a surplus.

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Eisner uses this particular reformulation of the deficit in order to rewrite the whole

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Keynesian episode during the Carter administration, where Carter was running high deficits for

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of the Time, 50 and 60 billion dollars in his last two years of office and yet the economy

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was somewhat sluggish. Now Eisner and others are going back and reworking the history of

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that period and saying no wonder, no wonder the economy was sluggish, the government was

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running a surplus and that dampened the economy and they needed to have run a deficit in order

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to Stimulate.

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And of course, if you see the dynamics of this, you wonder if it actually would have

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been possible to run a deficit.

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Once you've got the debt so high and maybe $5 trillion will do, then it becomes difficult

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to run a deficit because the inflation erodes away the real value of the debt and keeps

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a step ahead of you.

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Now, this idea of measuring deficits that way is not all that new.

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It's fairly new in academic circles for the president of the American Economic Association

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to argue this is what's new.

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But I can remember during the Carter administration itself, representatives of the Treasury making

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exactly this same argument.

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While I was a graduate student at the University of Virginia, we had one of our seminar sessions

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One of his sessions on a Friday afternoon was done by an economist from the Treasury.

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He had come down from Washington. This was during the Carter administration.

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And he came down to give us his view, or the Treasury view, of the deficit.

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I wasn't too surprised, I guess, by a Treasury bureaucrat giving us his view.

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I am surprised at Eisner.

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But I remember that particular episode well because I was a graduate student at the time

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I actually read the paper before the seminar, something that's a rare faculty

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didn't read papers before seminars and I don't think too many graduate students

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did either but I'd read it I knew what his argument was going to be and it

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struck me that it was Orwellian doublespeak or very close to it and so

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I managed to slip into the seminar room before the seminar started we had a one

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single blackboard in front of the room with a traditional map that you could

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I wrote a message on the board from Orwell. I wrote war is peace, slavery is freedom, and deficit is surplus.

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And then I pulled the map down. Knowing full well, of course, that no economist could talk very long on the deficit without going to the board to show us an example.

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So, he talked for five minutes, went to the board, and when he raised the map, there it was,

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he was never quite able to recover in that session.

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He was sent packing back to Washington.

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I'll come back shortly to the idea of some of Eisner's ideas,

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but I want to go on now to consider the monetarists,

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who typically say things that you can warm up to.

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Monitors have some good things to say.

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Friedman has done a lot in clearing up the relationship between the Fed and the economy over the years.

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He's done battle with the Keynesians and effectively so in many areas.

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And I can go a long ways with Friedman and yet I'll stop just short of endorsing his conclusions.

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A freedman can be credited with pointing to government spending rather than the amount

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of taxation as a better measure of the size of government.

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If you want to know how big government is, how much influence government has, don't just

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look at the taxes that they take from you, that's big enough in and of itself, but look

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at how much they spend, look at how much they spend.

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And what they spend is actually a better measure of their influence because they're getting

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They're either getting the money from somewhere, they're either getting it from you, or they're borrowing it, or they're getting it, or they're printing it out, but however they're getting it, they're spending it and allocating resources, real resources, that otherwise would have been available for the private sector, and if the government's in command of those resources, then those resources are not available to you and me, and the dollar magnitude, dollar value of those resources is a much better measure of how big an impact the government's having on the economy,

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Friedman is to be credited with this insight. Look beyond taxes, per se, and look to government spending.

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I'm inclined to say he's right up to a level. So long as the deficit is relatively small,

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and we can talk later about what constitutes relatively small.

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But as long as the government,

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or as long as the deficit is relatively small,

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then that's probably the beginning and the end of it.

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Just look at government spending and don't worry

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about just exactly how the government got the money.

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But I'll go on to argue that we have to part company

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with Friedman during periods where the deficit is large

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and chronically so, where year after year

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We have huge deficits measured in the hundreds of billions of dollars.

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But before I turn to that part of the lecture,

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I'll say a few things about the supply-siders who also are allies in so many different areas.

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And yet, I think supply-siders have gotten it wrong when it comes to issues of deficits.

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Supply-siders have simply argued that deficits don't matter.

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They just don't matter.

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and they're picking up to some extent on Friedman saying only government spending matters

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and yet if you look at their policy recommendations it's recommendations that allow the government

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to collect more taxes by lowering rates and increasing the tax take as the lower rates

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spur on production and make for efficiencies of one sort or another.

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Here I think they've allowed their policy conclusions to drive their analytics.

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In other words, they're basically against raising tax rates.

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They don't want to do that.

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They're not quite sure that government spending can be cut.

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It's been tried with little success at this point.

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And if they admit that deficits are harmful, well, they might be led willy-nilly to recommend

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a tax increase, which is not what they want to do.

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And so they simply argue that deficits don't matter.

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I think this is a shaky way of going about things.

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They also argue that cutting tax rates will increase the tax take, and there's an element

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of truth to that, although it has a time dimension to it that the supply-siders aren't too quick

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to incorporate into their analysis.

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It's true that at lower tax rates, production will grow, and eventually, eventually, sometime

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in the future, both output and the total tax take will be larger than it otherwise would

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have been.

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But it's not true that in the immediate period you can lower the rates and increase the tack

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takes. The statistics are certainly against that as well as the logic of it itself. In

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fact, this idea that lowering the rates would immediately increase the take was the Trojan

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horse that got David Stockman in such trouble during the early Reagan administration, where

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It was admitted fairly candidly that nobody in the Reagan administration with the possible exception of Reagan himself believed that this would be the case.

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So what I'm suggesting is that both the monetarists and the supply fighters seem to be saying that deficits don't matter,

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while the Keynesians actually think that they ought to be higher.

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This leaves room for an alternative view, one that I think that Austrians can warm up to.

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If you look at all of these different views of the deficit,

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00:22:22.460 --> 00:22:30.460
you see articles that come out of both monetarism and the supply side school

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00:22:30.460 --> 00:22:32.460
that tend to downplay the deficit.

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One line that I can put you on notice to watch out for

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00:22:37.460 --> 00:22:41.460
is maybe the second paragraph or so in an article.

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So it starts out, let's put the deficit in perspective, okay?

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When you read that, watch out, okay? Watch out.

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I've learned to view that line as the same as one size fits all,

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and of course I'll respect you in the morning, okay?

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And let's put the government deficit in perspective.

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Now, the way it typically gets put in perspective is by expressing the deficit,

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not as an absolute number of 1,500 billion

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with all the zeros that I finally got up there,

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but rather as a ratio, the deficit to something ratio.

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And of course, if you divide that huge number

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by another number that's even huger,

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it can look relatively small.

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And let's look at the few things that get put in the denominator

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and that will steer us towards some notion

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of what ought to be in the denominator

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If you want to express deficits as a ratio of something, the most common thing that typically

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is used almost without any justification is the deficit to G and P ratio.

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Deficit isn't too large when you compare it to total G and P. Well, of course it's not.

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Why should it be?

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Gross national product, as you learn in economics 101, measures effectively everything.

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Almost anything, including the deficit, is small compared to everything.

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Almost goes without saying.

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Everett Dirksen, one of the most colorful politicians from Illinois, used to remark

283
00:24:16.520 --> 00:24:24.080
that the main purpose of the figure we call gross national product is to give politicians

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a way of making any other number look small by comparison, including, it turns out, the

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00:24:32.160 --> 00:24:33.160
deficit.

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00:24:33.160 --> 00:24:39.440
Another ratio that's used fairly commonly, watch out for this one, is the deficit as

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00:24:39.440 --> 00:24:41.880
a percentage of total indebtedness, okay?

288
00:24:41.880 --> 00:24:46.320
We're not really borrowing that much compared to the total accumulation of all that we've

289
00:24:46.320 --> 00:24:49.400
borrowed before, okay?

290
00:24:49.400 --> 00:24:53.200
And I grant you, that number is small and getting smaller, right?

291
00:24:53.200 --> 00:24:59.440
But that's not a cause for lack of concern, quite to the contrary, the smaller that number

292
00:24:59.440 --> 00:25:05.600
gets as that total indebtedness grows, the worse off we are.

293
00:25:05.600 --> 00:25:12.840
Still another ratio, government borrowing as compared to private borrowing, all right?

294
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And now why this number should have a special claim on our attention, I'm not quite sure.

295
00:25:17.760 --> 00:25:24.360
But again, it causes us to worry more rather than worry less because when you talk about government borrowing,

296
00:25:24.360 --> 00:25:28.960
you're talking about all the demands that the government is putting on the credit markets, okay?

297
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And how can you claim that there's no worry about that because lots of other people are putting lots of other demands on those same credit markets at the same time, right?

298
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Makes the worry all the more.

299
00:25:42.160 --> 00:25:48.260
U.S. borrowing compared to the borrowing of other Western countries, okay, were better than some and worse than others.

300
00:25:48.260 --> 00:25:53.160
But still the message is that not only is the U.S. government borrowing tremendous amounts of money,

301
00:25:53.160 --> 00:25:59.160
So is the private sector, so are the governments of other Western countries.

302
00:25:59.160 --> 00:26:02.660
There's tremendous demands put on credit markets all around.

303
00:26:02.660 --> 00:26:07.160
These are reasons to worry more, not worry less.

304
00:26:07.160 --> 00:26:13.160
But it actually leads us to a reasonable measure of the deficit,

305
00:26:13.160 --> 00:26:15.160
if you want to measure it as a ratio.

306
00:26:15.160 --> 00:26:19.160
Let's take the deficit as it relates to total saving.

307
00:26:19.160 --> 00:26:21.160
In other words, look at the total demands,

308
00:26:21.160 --> 00:26:28.160
In fact, quite to the contrary, it's large and rising, and for both reasons, the deficit's going up and savings is going down, okay?

309
00:26:28.160 --> 00:26:31.160
The U.S. has a particularly low savings rate.

310
00:26:31.160 --> 00:26:37.160
If you look at one of the more recent periods and consider total private savings,

311
00:26:37.160 --> 00:26:42.160
you'll see that the U.S. has a particularly low savings rate.

312
00:26:42.160 --> 00:26:46.160
The U.S. has a particularly low savings rate.

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If you look at one of the more recent periods and consider total private savings, savings by individuals in this country,

314
00:26:54.160 --> 00:26:57.160
the government borrows well over half.

315
00:26:57.160 --> 00:27:04.160
The total amount of government borrowing is greater than half of total personal savings in this country.

316
00:27:04.160 --> 00:27:10.160
And no one claims that that ratio is small and it's getting worse.

317
00:27:10.160 --> 00:27:16.160
Now of course the government doesn't literally borrow half of U.S. savings

318
00:27:16.160 --> 00:27:21.160
and the reason it doesn't is because it also has access to world capital markets.

319
00:27:21.160 --> 00:27:28.160
It also is borrowing savings from the Japanese, it's borrowing savings from the Europeans.

320
00:27:28.160 --> 00:27:35.160
And it's only because it has access to world capital markets that domestic interest rates aren't sky high

321
00:27:35.160 --> 00:27:40.160
as it accommodates its own demand for credit in the U.S.

322
00:27:42.160 --> 00:27:48.160
Now, recognizing that the government has a few different alternatives for borrowing

323
00:27:48.160 --> 00:27:52.160
also puts us onto a problem associated with the deficit

324
00:27:52.160 --> 00:27:58.160
that goes above and beyond the insights of the monetarist, Milton Friedman.

325
00:27:58.160 --> 00:28:02.160
It shows us why we should worry about the deficit

326
00:28:02.160 --> 00:28:06.760
has something more than more spending for the government, right?

327
00:28:06.760 --> 00:28:09.560
It's true that when the government borrows, it spends,

328
00:28:09.560 --> 00:28:12.160
and we don't particularly want the government spending,

329
00:28:12.160 --> 00:28:14.560
but given a certain level of spending,

330
00:28:14.560 --> 00:28:18.560
I'll argue that the part that's been asked by the deficit

331
00:28:18.560 --> 00:28:21.160
is actually more harmful by good measure

332
00:28:21.160 --> 00:28:26.160
than the part that is collected by taxes.

333
00:28:26.160 --> 00:28:27.760
Let me put it this way,

334
00:28:27.760 --> 00:28:30.760
and I'll go back to my original example here

335
00:28:30.760 --> 00:28:37.760
of Government Spending, Taxes and the Difference of 300 Billion.

336
00:28:37.760 --> 00:28:44.760
When the government is spending at this level and it's collecting 1200 billion in taxes, borrowing the rest,

337
00:28:44.760 --> 00:28:49.760
we can make a sharp distinction between these two figures, the 1200 and the 300.

338
00:28:49.760 --> 00:28:56.760
In the case of the 1200, that's funds that are collected in accordance with a tax code.

339
00:28:56.760 --> 00:29:02.560
Now, the tax code itself is changing, we can talk about that, actually I think that is

340
00:29:02.560 --> 00:29:06.820
deficit related as well.

341
00:29:06.820 --> 00:29:12.000
Tax code is changing some, people complain about changes from year to year, but for the

342
00:29:12.000 --> 00:29:16.420
most part, you know what the tax code is, or you hire an accountant who knows what the

343
00:29:16.420 --> 00:29:17.800
tax code is.

344
00:29:17.800 --> 00:29:25.760
You can prepare your plans with an eye towards minimizing your taxes, what your tax strategy

345
00:29:25.760 --> 00:29:43.760
There is a tax code, but the government is saying that we're going to get $1200 by means of this tax code and we're going to get another $300 but we're not saying just how or just when or just whose.

346
00:29:43.760 --> 00:29:52.760
Have you ever heard of a deficit code? This is the thing to think about. You know what the tax code is. You regret it changes from time to time.

347
00:29:52.760 --> 00:29:58.140
But you've never even heard of a deficit code. There is no such code. There is no such

348
00:29:58.680 --> 00:30:05.880
pre-announcement on the part of government that it intends to appropriate these funds in a particular way that you can know about in advance

349
00:30:05.880 --> 00:30:11.720
and plan your own activities around. And therein lies the problem of the deficit.

350
00:30:11.960 --> 00:30:16.260
Okay, that's why it's more than just part of the total that gets

351
00:30:16.260 --> 00:30:24.260
And let's look at the different things that the government can do in order to finance this deficit.

352
00:30:24.260 --> 00:30:33.260
One is, of course, that it can borrow domestically. It can borrow from you and me or borrow from U.S. financial institutions.

353
00:30:33.260 --> 00:30:36.260
In which case, interest rates will be high.

354
00:30:36.260 --> 00:30:39.260
Now, if you knew that in advance, if that's how it's going to get its funds,

355
00:30:39.260 --> 00:30:42.260
well, you plan your affairs on the basis of facing high interest rates.

356
00:30:42.260 --> 00:30:47.460
and high interest rates. Corporate planners, entrepreneurs, business planners would factor

357
00:30:47.460 --> 00:30:51.100
this into their own plans. And that's what the government might do and that's what you

358
00:30:51.100 --> 00:30:56.020
might be faced with. But it might be something else instead. The government might be able

359
00:30:56.020 --> 00:31:01.900
to borrow abroad from Germany and Japan. If so, that will take the pressure off of domestic

360
00:31:01.900 --> 00:31:09.040
interest rates. But it has other effects. It will affect export markets. If the foreign

361
00:31:09.040 --> 00:31:13.560
When trading partners are selling their goods here and buying treasury bills instead of

362
00:31:13.560 --> 00:31:19.800
lumber and machinery and agricultural products and so on, then all of a sudden our export

363
00:31:19.800 --> 00:31:26.720
markets are weak, weaker than we would have guessed had the government borrowed domestically.

364
00:31:26.720 --> 00:31:31.260
Again, that needs to be factored into your plans, but you can't do that unless you know

365
00:31:31.260 --> 00:31:35.940
just what the source of funds of the government might be.

366
00:31:35.940 --> 00:31:42.020
The government also could resort to monetization, could get its funds directly from the Federal

367
00:31:42.020 --> 00:31:43.020
Reserve.

368
00:31:43.020 --> 00:31:48.140
And right now that's a bigger aspect of the uncertainty than it has been in recent years.

369
00:31:48.140 --> 00:31:52.180
Again, because you know that you'll have a different, or might have a different Federal

370
00:31:52.180 --> 00:31:56.040
Reserve Chairman next year and you're not quite sure what he will do.

371
00:31:56.040 --> 00:32:00.100
If that's the source of funds, then it's going to be inflation rates that you have

372
00:32:00.100 --> 00:32:01.100
to cope with.

373
00:32:01.100 --> 00:32:04.140
Somehow you've got to factor that into your plans, but you're not sure just how because

374
00:32:04.140 --> 00:32:14.140
And there are a few other alternatives as well. There are possible new taxes or changes in the tax code.

375
00:32:14.140 --> 00:32:23.140
In fact, one of the reasons the tax code has changed so much in recent years is precisely to try to collect more funds and reduce the deficit.

376
00:32:23.140 --> 00:32:33.140
Value added taxes that get talked about or all sorts of adjustments going to a sales tax or going to flat income tax

377
00:32:33.140 --> 00:32:39.180
Tax, and all this discussion about changing the tax code as another element of uncertainty

378
00:32:39.180 --> 00:32:41.580
that you have to plan against.

379
00:32:41.580 --> 00:32:46.860
I remember hearing on the news, again, this is clear back during the Reagan administration,

380
00:32:46.860 --> 00:32:50.900
when a second or third round of tax changes were in the works.

381
00:32:50.900 --> 00:32:54.940
They called them Treasury 1, Treasury 2, and Treasury 3, the different proposals and so

382
00:32:54.940 --> 00:32:55.940
on.

383
00:32:55.940 --> 00:33:02.840
And there were all sorts of jitters on Wall Street and falling prices and uncertainties.

384
00:33:02.840 --> 00:33:07.160
One of the administration spokesmen got on one of the Sunday morning talk shows and he

385
00:33:07.160 --> 00:33:10.480
says, I don't know why everybody's upset, we haven't actually done this, this is just

386
00:33:10.480 --> 00:33:15.560
a proposal and doesn't Wall Street understand that it's written on a word processor.

387
00:33:15.560 --> 00:33:19.560
We've got this now just written on a word processor, the implications being it could

388
00:33:19.560 --> 00:33:22.960
be something different tomorrow, okay, we can change it tomorrow, it doesn't have to

389
00:33:22.960 --> 00:33:23.960
stay this way.

390
00:33:23.960 --> 00:33:30.000
And of course the message is, that's the worry, that's the worry, it's on a word processor,

391
00:33:30.000 --> 00:33:45.000
An era of high budgetary deficits gives you continuing uncertainty over and above what's normally found in the marketplace.

392
00:33:45.000 --> 00:33:48.000
And that's very apparent, I think, in the recent period.

393
00:33:48.000 --> 00:33:56.000
Let me just mention what's going on in the profession trying to record this or dispute this.

394
00:33:56.000 --> 00:34:03.400
The fact that financial markets are relatively unstable these days seems not to be in dispute.

395
00:34:03.400 --> 00:34:08.600
But any connection with the deficit does seem to be in dispute.

396
00:34:08.600 --> 00:34:13.400
And I think I have an answer for this. I think I see what's going on.

397
00:34:13.400 --> 00:34:21.200
You'd think that government would sort of collect its funds in ways that were halfway predictable.

398
00:34:21.200 --> 00:34:26.600
In other words, it gets some from taxes, it prints some, and it borrows some.

399
00:34:26.600 --> 00:34:32.400
You'd be real surprised if it would swear off of any one of those ways of raising money.

400
00:34:32.400 --> 00:34:35.300
And you would think that it would sort of equalize at the margin,

401
00:34:35.300 --> 00:34:39.900
where it would collect dollars in each of the three ways

402
00:34:39.900 --> 00:34:42.700
until they were sort of equally costly at the margin.

403
00:34:42.700 --> 00:34:45.300
And that would be the solution, all right?

404
00:34:45.300 --> 00:34:50.300
But that's not quite the solution because when it looks how costly it is to collect

405
00:34:50.300 --> 00:34:57.300
In fact, at this margin, or that margin, or the other margin, most of the costs from the government's standpoint are political costs.

406
00:34:57.300 --> 00:35:05.300
How much is it going to cost me in election time to increase taxes, or to increase borrowing, or to increase inflating?

407
00:35:05.300 --> 00:35:11.300
And the political costs change as people become more sensitized to inflation, or to deficits, or to taxes.

408
00:35:11.300 --> 00:35:16.300
Which means the government tends to binge, first one way, then the other way.

409
00:35:16.300 --> 00:35:20.900
will borrow domestically until people complain about high interest rates and then they'll

410
00:35:20.900 --> 00:35:27.060
inflate until people complain about inflation. Then they'll sell debt abroad until people

411
00:35:27.060 --> 00:35:33.020
complain about weak export markets. These are the things that you have to try to predict.

412
00:35:33.020 --> 00:35:40.060
Well, many of the studies, the empirical studies, capture the history of this, but they miss

413
00:35:40.060 --> 00:35:45.140
the conclusion. In other words, we could line up these different ways that the government

414
00:35:45.140 --> 00:35:49.340
gets money with with recent history we could say in the 1960s there was a lot

415
00:35:49.340 --> 00:35:54.260
of domestic borrowing and we had credit crunches I remember 69 I could have

416
00:35:54.260 --> 00:35:59.140
included in my timeline a credit crunch high interest rates and businesses had

417
00:35:59.140 --> 00:36:04.860
trouble competing for funds in the 1970s the recourse was to the printing press

418
00:36:04.860 --> 00:36:09.380
monetized we had double-digit inflation that was under Carter especially in the

419
00:36:09.380 --> 00:36:13.740
80s we had borrowing abroad and that gave us the so-called twin deficits in

420
00:36:13.740 --> 00:36:18.740
in the budget and international trade and weak export markets.

421
00:36:18.740 --> 00:36:20.740
So we had first one, then the other.

422
00:36:20.740 --> 00:36:25.740
But as I look at the empirical studies in the literature that try to capture this,

423
00:36:25.740 --> 00:36:26.740
they miss it every time.

424
00:36:26.740 --> 00:36:34.740
Because the empirical studies tend to use the entire time series of data from about World War II,

425
00:36:34.740 --> 00:36:40.740
about end of World War II, 1946 is usually the start of the data points, until present.

426
00:36:40.740 --> 00:36:45.240
And if you get onto these studies, you can see how they work.

427
00:36:45.240 --> 00:36:56.240
They say, well, we tested in this study, this particular study, to see if government borrowing has a systematic effect on domestic interest rates.

428
00:36:56.240 --> 00:36:59.240
But they use all the data from 46 to the present.

429
00:36:59.240 --> 00:37:06.240
And of course, the one period where it did have a dramatic effect was in the 60s when that's where the government was borrowing us money from domestic credit markets.

430
00:37:06.240 --> 00:37:10.240
But if you look at it over the whole period, you miss that effect.

431
00:37:10.240 --> 00:37:16.080
and the conclusion is that well the results are weak and mixed and if

432
00:37:16.080 --> 00:37:19.480
there's a worry about deficits it shouldn't be related to domestic interest

433
00:37:19.480 --> 00:37:23.480
rates. Well someone else will do a study and they'll say well we'll test to see

434
00:37:23.480 --> 00:37:28.360
whether inflation tends to get monetized or where deficits tend to get

435
00:37:28.360 --> 00:37:33.000
monetized and cause inflation. Well that's what happened during the 70s but

436
00:37:33.000 --> 00:37:37.280
they use the whole data set from 46 to present. What do you suppose the results

437
00:37:37.280 --> 00:37:44.220
Deficits are weak and mixed. It's a technical term. If the deficits are a worry, there shouldn't

438
00:37:44.220 --> 00:37:49.160
be no worry about inflation. We can't find it in the data. You can guess what the studies

439
00:37:49.160 --> 00:37:54.480
look like to test for the twin deficits. Is there really a relationship between the budget

440
00:37:54.480 --> 00:37:59.000
deficit and the trade deficit? Some people think there are. Of course, there was during

441
00:37:59.000 --> 00:38:05.800
the 1980s when Reagan was borrowing abroad. But they used the whole data set from 46 on.

442
00:38:05.800 --> 00:38:10.800
Sometimes the budget deficit is going up and the trade deficit is going down.

443
00:38:10.800 --> 00:38:13.800
And so the results are weak and mixed.

444
00:38:13.800 --> 00:38:15.800
And if there's any worry about the deficit,

445
00:38:15.800 --> 00:38:17.800
it's certainly not connected with international trade.

446
00:38:17.800 --> 00:38:21.800
So, if you look at it on a piecemeal basis,

447
00:38:21.800 --> 00:38:25.800
and you see that there's no connection in each of these different areas,

448
00:38:25.800 --> 00:38:30.800
then you conclude that the worries that come from each of these areas are misplaced.

449
00:38:30.800 --> 00:38:34.800
And then the summary conclusion is that there's no basis for worry at all.

450
00:38:34.800 --> 00:38:36.800
This doesn't seem to cause anything.

451
00:38:36.800 --> 00:38:38.800
There's an article by Paul Craig Roberts

452
00:38:38.800 --> 00:38:42.800
where he talks about unwarranted hysteria about the deficit.

453
00:38:42.800 --> 00:38:44.800
And this is his point.

454
00:38:44.800 --> 00:38:47.800
It doesn't seem to systematically cause anything in particular.

455
00:38:47.800 --> 00:38:49.800
And yet, that's the problem.

456
00:38:49.800 --> 00:38:50.800
That's the problem.

457
00:38:50.800 --> 00:38:54.800
The problem that it causes, you know, one damn thing after another.

458
00:38:54.800 --> 00:38:56.800
And if you're a businessman, you've got to guess what

459
00:38:56.800 --> 00:38:58.800
and plan your affairs accordingly.

460
00:38:58.800 --> 00:39:01.800
And if you guess wrong, you can lose big.

461
00:39:01.800 --> 00:39:03.800
Alright, that's the bottom line.

462
00:39:03.800 --> 00:39:08.800
and therein lies the problem of the deficit.

463
00:39:08.800 --> 00:39:13.800
At the end of my time slot I have one thing to conclude with.

464
00:39:13.800 --> 00:39:18.800
I have done my own study which tries to sort of leap over all these others

465
00:39:18.800 --> 00:39:21.800
and my own study which is empirical.

466
00:39:21.800 --> 00:39:23.800
I don't do much in the way of...

467
00:39:23.800 --> 00:39:25.800
There are two things I don't like to do in academics.

468
00:39:25.800 --> 00:39:27.800
I don't like to do empirical studies.

469
00:39:27.800 --> 00:39:30.800
This data is pretty messy data to begin with.

470
00:39:30.800 --> 00:39:32.800
I also don't like to co-author.

471
00:39:32.800 --> 00:39:38.800
by myself. I don't use co-authors. But if I violate one of those dislikes, I violate both.

472
00:39:38.800 --> 00:39:44.800
I co-author with somebody who likes to work with data, you see, which I've done in this case.

473
00:39:44.800 --> 00:39:50.800
So what I try to measure is the uncertainty that's caused in the marketplace.

474
00:39:50.800 --> 00:40:00.800
And I do that by looking at the interest rate on BAA bonds. That's the most risky but nonetheless rated bond.

475
00:40:00.800 --> 00:40:07.520
okay so you got good statistics on that and then I look at the interest rate on T-bills

476
00:40:07.520 --> 00:40:13.520
which as I explained last night has no premium on it there's no default risk premium on T-bills

477
00:40:13.520 --> 00:40:18.120
okay so this is going to be a lower rate than this the difference between the rates is going

478
00:40:18.120 --> 00:40:25.680
to express how risky business is in general okay the general riskiness in the in the economy

479
00:40:25.680 --> 00:40:30.480
and the difference, I simply call it the spread.

480
00:40:30.480 --> 00:40:32.380
In other words, the spread between those two rates,

481
00:40:32.380 --> 00:40:34.380
the difference between those interest rates.

482
00:40:34.380 --> 00:40:40.080
And then I show a statistical correlation between that

483
00:40:40.080 --> 00:40:42.080
and deficits over that whole period.

484
00:40:42.080 --> 00:40:44.280
So if you look from 46 to present,

485
00:40:44.280 --> 00:40:47.180
what you see is that periods of high deficits

486
00:40:47.180 --> 00:40:49.780
are periods in which this spread is great,

487
00:40:49.780 --> 00:40:52.480
which captures the uncertainty in the private sector

488
00:40:52.480 --> 00:40:57.280
are associated with uncertainty about how those deficits will be accommodated.

489
00:40:57.280 --> 00:41:02.080
That's the problem of the deficit that I want to tell you about today.

490
00:41:02.080 --> 00:41:05.980
And I'll just conclude by saying that seeing that as a problem

491
00:41:05.980 --> 00:41:10.780
doesn't imply that you raise taxes in order to reduce the deficit.

492
00:41:10.780 --> 00:41:13.680
Far from it. Taxes are too high as they are.

493
00:41:13.680 --> 00:41:15.480
It suggests that you lower government spending.

494
00:41:15.480 --> 00:41:20.480
In fact, you need to lower spending and taxes, spending more so than taxes.
