WEBVTT

NOTE Anti-interventionism in American Politics

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Isolationism is deeply rooted in American history. As Selig Adler, the pro-interventionist historian, once pointed out,

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quote, quote, the American Revolution was in itself an act of isolation, for it cut the umbilical cord to the mother country, end quote.

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Prior to the annexation of Hawaii and the Spanish-American War, it simply did not occur

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to anyone that an American empire was either possible or desirable.

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There was no anti-interventionist movement in America before the late 1800s for the simple

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reason that a marked aversion to foreign adventurism was well nigh universal.

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The idea that we ought to keep aloof from the world was not just a political or ideological

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The Social Principle upheld by all parties and factions, it was a cultural trait, part of what it meant to be an American.

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Isolationism was not the policy of a particular party or movement, the anti-imperialist movement, but the cultural consensus and deeply held conviction of Americans at every social level.

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We were different.

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For the Europeans, we did not go marauding about in search of trouble, treasure and trade

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concessions. Interventionism was the policy of kings and emperors, not of free republican

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governments. Seemingly inoculated against the European vice of foreign adventurism,

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we were almost, almost never tempted to indulge until February 3rd, 1893. On that day, a curious

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The five-man delegation appeared in the city of San Francisco.

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Arriving on the steamer Claudine, the five-man delegation represented a conspiracy of white

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planters who had seized the island of Hawaii, deposed Queen Liliuokalani, and now sought

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to incorporate the islands into the first American outpost of empire.

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What one congressional opponent of annexation would later call the vacillus of imperialism

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had finally touched U.S. soil.

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Now the annexationists pressed their case in terms of the alleged economic and military

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benefits to American business.

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Hawaii, it was said, is the gateway to the markets of the Orient.

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The opponents of annexation, southern democrats and northern mudwumps, saw the conquest of

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of the Hawaiian Kingdom as the first breach in the walls of the American Republic and

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so it was.

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The country in possession for the first time of a colonial empire would be no different

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from the imperial powers of Europe.

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One such anti-imperialist was the mug lump Carl Schurz, editor of the influential Harper's

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Weekly.

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He made the same arguments against the annexation of Hawaii as he made against President Grant's

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ill-fated attempt to grab Santo Domingo.

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Schurz had argued that we could not absorb Santo Domingo and survive as a republic, for

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the United States could never rule other peoples by sheer force without doing violence to itself

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and fundamentally altering its own nature.

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If Santo Domingo were to be annexed, it therefore followed that it must be admitted as a state,

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a full-fledged part of a union right up there with Massachusetts and Indiana.

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But this, he averred, was impossible, since no republic had ever flourished beneath the

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tropical sun.

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To annex the American tropics would be to acquire no end of trouble.

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Quote, have you thought of what this means, he asked, fancy ten or twelve tropical states

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added to the southern states we already possess.

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Fancy the senators and representatives of 10 or 12 millions of tropical people. Fancy

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them sitting in the halls of Congress, throwing the weight of their intelligence, their morality,

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their political notions and habits, their prejudices and passions into the scale of the

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destinies of this republic.

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He goes on to denounce, quote, a singular delusion that has taken hold of the minds

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of Otherwise Clear-Headed Men. It is that our new friendship with England would serve

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firmly to secure the world's peace." Now, this suspicion of Britain's baneful influence

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is a theme that started in Jefferson's day and resurfaced again during the debate over

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what to do with the spoils of the Spanish-American War. Speaking against the annexation bill,

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Senator Bland of Georgia declared, quote, the secret reason for this bill, he said,

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was to, quote, pressure on the part of Great Britain.

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Isolated yet possessed of a vast empire, Great Britain needed allies, really subordinates,

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to do her bidding and had settled on the United States to play this role.

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Dependent on England to hold our Asiatic territory, the Democratic senator feared we would be

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be pulled into the dispute over the division of a Chinese spoils.

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In the Senator's opinion, he could not quote, but regard annexation as a deeply laid scheme

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to enslave the American people under the present domination of plutocracy.

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The power of the Bank of England, the wealth of that country over the banks and money institutions

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of this country has brought to bear the combined power of the capitalists of England and America

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to control our financial system. The next move is to put our army and navy at the service

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of England in the prosecution of Asiatic conquest, the end of which no man can see.

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And so, summing up this period, we have three major anti-imperialist themes, three arguments

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Against the Rise of Empire 1. The ideological argument. In this view, imperialism

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is seen as a direct threat to republican institutions. The idea that we could rule a people without

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their consent violated our own anti-colonialist heritage. Furthermore, the decision to set

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up a course for empire would inevitably mean a huge standing army, huge public debts and

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and the threat to American liberties represented by both of these dire prospects.

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In the process of acquiring an empire, we would lose our distinctively American character

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and wind up just like the decadent empires of Europe.

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Now the second argument is the cultural argument, which condemned imperialism as a threat to

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the cultural homogeneity of American society.

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We had already fought one civil war over the question of race.

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The addition of yet more cultural diversity would add the possibility of yet more racial

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strife.

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Apart from the ethnic angle, however, there was a more significant point to be made, that

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the policy of imperialism would so degrade and contaminate American culture that the very

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character of the people would be altered and corrupted almost beyond redemption.

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3. The conspiratorial argument, couched in populist rhetoric that imperialism was a policy

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of a plutocratic elite of the munitions makers and the bankers with their foreign loans who

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made money off the human slaughter. Furthermore, so went the argument, this plutocracy was so

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enamored of Great Britain that it was willing to sacrifice our republican heritage and the

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and the national interest in playing out the role assigned to us by London.

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Now the isolationist reaction to expansionism included elements of both parties.

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Both major factions of a democratic party, Brianites and Cleveland Democrats, were generally

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opposed to the policy of imperialism.

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On the republican side, the Taft Republicans, as in William Howard Taft, excuse me, and

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The Roosevelt Bull Moosers were pro-expansionists, while the so-called Mug Wumps, many of whom

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were among the founders of the Republican Party, made up an important part of the emerging

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anti-imperialist coalition.

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The fight over the annexation issue also brought out regional divisions, and these were exacerbated

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by the debate.

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Revision to imperialism was centered in the South and the Midwest, with important pockets

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of organized anti-imperialist activity throughout New England, that bastion of mugwumpery.

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In the Midwest, this regionalism was associated with the healthy Jeffersonian hatred of the

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Eastern Financial Establishment.

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In a broad sense, what made possible the victory of the empire builders and the overthrow of

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and the old isolationist mindset, at least among the urban intellectuals and the policymaking

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elite, was the political culture of progressivism. This included a wide variety of cultural uplifters,

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abolitionists, feminists, prohibitionists, millenarian fundamentalists, militant vegetarians,

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And of course, professional intellectuals of every size, shape and description, eager

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to try out their endless schemes for the improvement and uplifting of mankind.

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It was only natural that these people, having set their sights on saving the nation, would

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feel compelled to take on the rest of the world.

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This crusading spirit and America's acquisition of overseas colonial empire planted the seeds

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that would sprout a crop of myrmidons on the eve of the First World War.

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The coming of the Great War gave birth to an anti-interventionist movement colored with

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the traditional themes of American anti-imperialism.

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As Europe sank into a chaos of blood-drenched darkness, Haiti Roosevelt, Henry Cabot Lodge

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and former Secretary of War Henry L. Stimson launched a campaign to reunite the Republicans

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and the progressives over the preparedness issue.

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President Wilson soon came up with his own proposals to increase military appropriations

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as he inched closer to a decision to go to war.

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The anti-interventionists struck back when the House of Representatives nearly succeeded

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in eliminating the ambitious proposal of a Navy to increase the number of battleships.

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An amendment to cut the naval appropriation in half failed by a mere 16 votes and the

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battle lines were drawn.

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Of the 155 votes cast in favor, the majority were southern and midwestern Democrats.

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The agrarian Jeffersonian wing of a democratic party abhorred the rise of a professional

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military caste, fearing that it would threaten democracy and pressurize the republic.

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Midwestern democrats like Representative Clyde Taverner of Illinois denounced the war trust,

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which had cornered the market in international strife.

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Georgia populist Tom Watson declared that the real enemy was not abroad, but here at

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at Home, in the class legislation of quote, overgrown and insolent monopolies.

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Now traditional democratic opposition to militarism and big military budgets was muted, however,

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by the fact that they were, after all, the party in power and thus reluctant to oppose

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President Wilson's armaments program.

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While there was a hard core of anti-preparedness democrats in the House and Senate, their numbers

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was dwindled as the pressures of party politics were brought to bear.

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On the Republican side, 15 voted for the cut in naval appropriations, including 13 Midwesterners,

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most of whom were progressives.

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This Republican insurgency represented a significant shift.

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For years, many of these same people had gone along with imperialism and voted for a greatly

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Representative James L. Sladen, a Texas Democrat, declared, but he suspected, quote, a conspiracy

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to force our country into war with Germany. He attacked the great and influential lobby

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operating about the halls of Congress and the press, whose purpose is not only to feed

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the maw of the munitions makers but also to deploy our large forces in Europe. The people,

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he contended, must be mobilized against, quote, the majority of the newspapers and great commercial

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Here Slayden is expressing the main theme of anti-imperialism, first raised in the battle

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against annexation of Hawaii and the Philippines and now amplified and applied to Wilson's

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military buildup and his handling of the submarine crisis, a warmongering and profiteering elite

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Motivated by greed and a treasonous devotion to Great Britain was conspiring to involve

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us in the intrigues of Europe and get us into the war.

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This concept, first articulated by the anti-imperialist movement of the 1890s, was a favorite populist

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theme that developed and grew stronger with the years, carrying over into the isolationist

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resistance to World War I and World War II and permeating the rhetoric of non-interventionist

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Now, at about this time, there came into existence the first internationalist organization in

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American history with the rather ominous name of the League to Enforce Peace.

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President William Howard Taft served as chairman, and the League was the creature of the internationally

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It was not some fringe group of fuzzy-minded radical pacifists, but the big business establishment

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itself that was sponsoring and propagandizing the most wide-ranging scheme of international

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organization yet devised.

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The League wanted to set up an International Council of Conciliation, which would hear

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were all disputes between nations and force would be used against so-called outlaw nations

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who refused to submit.

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William Jennings Bryan denounced the League Plan and Randolph Bourne, the young hunchback

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radical and literary avenging angel of pre-war liberalism, described it as, quote, an alliance

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of all against each that practically ensures that every war within the system would be

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a World War.

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This debate over the merits of internationalism had no effect on the 1916 election.

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As happened so often in U.S. history, it was a bipartisan internationalism that faced the

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voters that fateful presidential election year.

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The Republican nominee was Charles Evans Hughes, sounding very much like his friends in the

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and the need to enforce peace and foreign policy played almost no role in the campaign.

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It wasn't until after Wilson's election victory that the controversy started to heat up again.

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At a banquet given by the Democratic National Committee in honor of William Jennings Bryan,

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the guest of honor denounced any thought of, quote, our being an international policeman,

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end quote, and called for a constitutional amendment requiring the submission of every

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Declaration of War to a Referendum of the People except in case of actual invasion of

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our country.

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Now, this is a theme that recurs over and over again.

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During the Second World War, there was the Ludlow Amendment, the heroic Ludlow Amendment,

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and even today, there is now a movement, though I guess it's mostly on the left, to do the

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same thing.

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Senator William E. Borah, a Republican of Idaho who had sometimes gone along with the

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preparedness campaign, charged that the President's League of Nations represented a scheme that

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would drag this country into endless foreign wars.

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We were headed, warned the Senator, into the storm center of European politics.

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The League of Nations proposal solidified the progressive Republican response to Wilsonian

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and Internationalism, and pretended a shift in the alignment of the two parties in the

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realm of foreign policy.

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From this time until the Cold War, the Republicans moved toward isolationism and the Democrats

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moved increasingly toward interventionism, reversing their historic roles.

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Now there were, of course, exceptions, Taft and his followers remained internationalists

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and Teddy Roosevelt and Lodge also were in favor of maintaining our international alliances,

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but these leaders came more and more to be in a minority in their own parties.

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As a New Republic editorial put it, what had been the party of jingoism and imperial overstretch

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was now proposing, quote, to crouch at its own fireside, build a high tariff wall, arm

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Firm against the whole world, cultivate no friendships, take no steps to forestall another

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great war, and then let things rip.

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The party which was once inspired by the American Union is becoming the party of secession and

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states' rights as against world union, quote unquote, and I'm in favor of it.

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Among the Democrats, the party regulars were forsaking their traditional fealty to the

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and the Foreign Policy of Thomas Jefferson and uniting around President Wilson's internationalist program.

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While some Democrats spoke out in defense of the old program, opposition from the Brian wing was muted, as was Brian himself.

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The vote in the House of Representatives on the war resolution reflected the politics of the emerging isolationist coalition, which would retain its essential character for the next 40 years.

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During that debate, isolationist themes were reiterated with renewed vigor.

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In entering the war, we would hand the victory to the money-mad profiteers who trafficked

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in arms.

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In spreading democracy and peace abroad, we would lose it at home.

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In saving the Europeans, we would lose our own souls.

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Fifty-four congressmen voted against Wilson's war.

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Thirty-five Republicans, eighteen Democrats, and one Socialist.

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Although there were a few conservative Republicans who voted no, most were left-wing populists

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of the Lafollette variety, mid-westerners who hated bigness, the eastern establishment

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and the government-business partnership that was the basis of the state capitalist order.

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Virtually all the Democrats who voted no were southern brianites who remembered their party's

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Now, in the opposition to the First World War, the three themes of the anti-interventionist

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movement were amplified and developed.

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The ideological argument was reflected in the progressive critique of war as the policy

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of a ruthless elite that profits from the slaughter.

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The Republic had been overthrown by such men and the populist progressives meant to take

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it back.

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After the Great War, the cultural and conspiratorial themes tended to merge into a single argument,

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that foreign lobbyists in government and the media exert a decisive influence in the councils

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of power.

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Universal Revisionism played a key role.

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Harry Elmer Barnes' books, The Genesis of the World War and In Quest of Truth and Justice

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gave voice to the universal mood of disillusionment.

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Barnes' critique of U.S. intervention in the Great War was preceded by, and thematically

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Bowsman had retired from the Washington State Supreme Court and devoted himself to writing

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the first American book to expose the myth of German war guilt.

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Writing in H. L. Mencken's American Mercury, Bowsman asked, Was ever a country so bedeviled

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Has there ever been one in all history in which the class most powerful in controlling

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government and public opinion was determinedly bent on giving away enormous sums of the country's

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money to nations already heavily armed and openly expressing contempt for our sacrifice,

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which they would accept only as their due?

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It is an actual fact that in many circles of wealth and fashion in this country, one

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who takes his country's side in these debates is put to shame at dinner tables."

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Well, it all depended on whose dinner table you ate at.

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In the East, among the Tory-loving would-be aristocrats of American society, this was

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no doubt true.

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But in the Midwest, a new Americanism was brewing. The general disillusionment that

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follows any war, combined with popular resentment against British wartime propaganda and their

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attempt to get out of paying their war debts to the United States, reached a boiling point

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in the late 20s. A wave of anti-British feeling swept the country, and a coalition of groups

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such as the Veterans of Foreign Wars and the Patriotic League for the Preservation of American

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History joined forces to get rid of the Anglophilic bias in the nation's school books.

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The Veterans of Foreign Wars declared at that time that, quote, the heroic history of a

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nation is the drum and pipe music to which it marches.

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It makes a mighty difference whether America continues to quick-step to Yankee doodle or

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or takes the marking time to God Save the King.

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Now this is a mass movement.

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Of course today this is almost inconceivable, but perhaps not.

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In October 1927, Bausman testified in the celebrated case of William McAndrew, the superintendent of schools in Chicago,

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who had been suspended for authorizing blatantly pro-British textbooks with an explicitly internationalist bias.

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Initiated by Chicago Mayor Big Bill Thompson and his advisor, pro-American journalist and author, Charles Grant Miller, the campaign to decolonize and reclaim the history of this country was given voice in Bousman's testimony.

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England, he said, had, quote, beguiled us into war, took all the spoils of it and did not want to pay her debts, end quote.

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The inculcation of American use with a treasonous reverence for the so-called mother country

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was the work of, quote, financiers of England who seek, first, the full cancellation of

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England's war debt to the United States and, second, the placing of the Union Jack wherever

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now flies the stars and stripes, end quote.

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Now the trumpet of this Midwestern isolationism of the right was Colonel Robert Rutherford

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McCormick's Chicago Tribune newspaper, the flagship newspaper of the McCormick Medal

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Patterson newspaper chain.

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McCormick regularly excoriated our deadbeat so-called allies for welching on their war

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deaths and castigating the State Department for toting up to the British.

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Another editorial voice raised against internationalism was that of George Horace Lorimer, founding

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Liberals disillusioned by the Treaty of Versailles, Midwestern progressives wary of a foreign interventionism and economic centralism, and conservative republicans who hated FDR and all his works, this was the broad-based coalition that coalesced into the movement we know today as the old right.

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Forge in the battle against the New Deal and Franklin Delano Roosevelt's drive to war,

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the old right coalition transformed the Midwestern progressive republicans who had initially

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supported the New Deal into the bitterest Roosevelt haters in the country and principled

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opponents eventually of big government.

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Our evolution is encapsulated in the career of the writer and publicist John T. Flynn,

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who started out as a New Republic liberal and opponent of big business monopolism and

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became the outstanding organizer and spokesman for the America First Committee and the old

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right conservatives.

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In Flynn's mind, opposition to centralism and militarism were the main targets, were

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He was the main tenet of the liberal creed, and in his campaign against the New Deal and

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the war, he was merely being consistent.

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But in fact, there was a change in the analysis of the old-fashioned liberals, a clarification

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of their previously confused economic views.

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They became opponents of big government.

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Yesterday's critics of capitalism were transformed, like Flynn, into advocates of free enterprise

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and strictly limited government.

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In the old right, in the America First Committee, all the main currents of anti-interventionism,

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Populism, Progressivism, Nationalism, Libertarianism merged into a single movement in opposition to the New Deal and the war.

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Out of this popular front, the modern conservative movement was born.

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Now, I've already dealt with this subject in my book,

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Reclaiming the American right, the lost legacy of the conservative movement.

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And since I hate to repeat myself, I'm not going to go into a big analysis of it here.

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And I refer you to that work

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for an extensive treatment of the subject.

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Suffice to say that the old right is

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sort of hovering over this room, watching us.

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And they are intellectual ancestors,

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Now, those who oppose the transformation of our American Republic into an empire hailed

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from both ends of the political spectrum, from far right to far left and virtually all

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points in between.

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From the free silver populism of William Jennings Bryan to the old right laissez-faireism

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of Garrett Gouret. The various strands of non-interventionist thought are made of distinct

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and diverse fibers. The history of the anti-interventionist movement is the story of how those disparate

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threads have been slowly woven together over time. It is the story of a developing Americanism,

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of an American ideology that encompasses not only foreign but domestic policy, of a libertarian

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and Nationalism that extols America as the fatherland of liberty.

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The evolution of this ideology is an ongoing process of which this historic conference

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is a vitally important part.
