WEBVTT

NOTE 15. "Human Rights" as Property Rights

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CHAPTER 15 HUMAN RIGHTS AS PROPERTY RIGHTS

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Liberals generally wish to preserve the concept of rights for such human rights as freedom of speech, while denying the concept to private property.

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A particularly stark and self-contradictory example is Professor Peter Singer, who explicitly calls for preserving the concept of rights for personal liberty,

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Property, while shifting over to utilitarianism in economic affairs and in the realm of property.

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And yet, on the contrary, the concept of rights only makes sense as property rights.

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For not only are there no human rights which are not also property rights, but the former

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rights lose their absoluteness and clarity and become fuzzy and vulnerable when property

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rights are not used as the standard.

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In the first place, there are two senses in which property rights are identical with human

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rights.

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One, that property can only accrue to humans, so that their rights to property are rights

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that belong to human beings.

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And two, that the person's right to his own body, his personal liberty, is a property

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right in his own person, as well as a human right.

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But more importantly for our discussion, human rights, when not put in terms of property

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rights, turn out to be vague and contradictory, causing liberals to weaken those rights on

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behalf of public policy or the public good.

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As I wrote in another work, take for example the human right of free speech.

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Freedom of speech is supposed to mean the right of everyone to say whatever he likes.

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But the neglected question is, where? Where does a man have this right? He certainly does

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not have it on property on which he is trespassing. In short, he has this right only either on

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his own property or on the property of someone who has agreed, as a gift or in a rental contract,

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to allow him on the premises. In fact, then, there is no such thing as a separate right

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to Free Speech.

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There is only a man's property right, the right to do as he wills with his own, or to

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make voluntary agreements with other property owners.

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In short, a person does not have a right to freedom of speech.

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What he does have is the right to hire a hall and address the people who enter the premises.

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He does not have a right to freedom of the press.

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What he does have is the right to write or publish a pamphlet, and to sell that pamphlet

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to those who are willing to buy it, or to give it away to those who are willing to accept

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it.

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Thus, what he has in each of these cases is property rights, including the right of free

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contract and transfer which form a part of such rights of ownership.

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There is no extra right of free speech or free press beyond the property rights that

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Furthermore, couching the analysis in terms of a right-to-free speech instead of property rights leads to confusion and the weakening of the very concept of rights.

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The most famous example is Justice Holmes' contention that no one has the right to shout

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fire falsely in a crowded theater, and therefore that the right to freedom of speech cannot

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be absolute, but must be weakened and tempered by considerations of public policy.

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And yet, if we analyze the problem in terms of property rights, we will see that no weakening

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of the absoluteness of rights is necessary.

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Furthermore, the view that the shout of fire causes a panic is deterministic and is another

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version of the incitement to riot fallacy discussed above.

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It is up to the people in the theatre to assess information coming to them.

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If this were not so, why wouldn't correctly warning people of an actual fire in a theatre

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be a crime, since it too might incite a panic?

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The disruption involved in falsely yelling fire is actionable only as a violation of

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property rights in the manner explained in the text below.

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I am indebted to Dr. David Gordon for this point.

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For logically, the shouter is either a patron or the theater owner.

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If he is the theater owner, he is violating the property rights of the patrons in quiet

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enjoyment of the performance for which he took their money in the first place.

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If he is another patron, then he is violating both the property right of the patrons to

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watching the performance and the property right of the owner, for he is violating the

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terms of his being there.

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For those terms surely include not violating the owner's property by disrupting the performance

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he is putting on.

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In either case, he may be prosecuted as a violator of property rights.

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Therefore, when we concentrate on the property rights involved, we see that the Holmes case implies no need for the law to weaken the absolute nature of rights.

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Indeed, Justice Hugo Black, a well-known absolutist on behalf of freedom of speech, made it clear in a trenchant critique of the Holmes'

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Shouting fire in a crowded theater argument that Black's advocacy of freedom of speech was grounded in the rights of private property.

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Thus Black stated,

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I went to a theater last night with you.

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I have an idea if you and I had gotten up and marched around that theater, whether we said anything or not, we would have been arrested.

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Nobody has ever said that the First Amendment gives people a right to go anywhere in the world they want to go

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So, or say anything in the world they want to say.

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Buying the theater tickets did not buy the opportunity to make a speech there.

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We have a system of property in this country which is also protected by the Constitution.

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We have a system of property which means that a man does not have a right to do anything

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he wants anywhere he wants to do it.

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For instance, I would feel a little badly if somebody were to try to come into my house

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and tell me that he had a constitutional right to come in there because he wanted to make

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a speech against the Supreme Court.

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I realize the freedom of people to make a speech against the Supreme Court, but I do

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not want him to make it in my house.

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That is a wonderful aphorism about shouting fire in a crowded theater, but you do not

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have to shout fire to get arrested.

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If a person creates a disorder in a theater, they would get him there not because of what

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Some years ago, the French political theorist Bertrand de Juvenel similarly called for the

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The weakening of free speech and assembly rights in what he called the Chairman's Problem,

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the problem of allocating time or space in an assembly hall or newspaper or in front

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of a microphone, where the writers or speakers believe that they have a right of free speech

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to the use of the resource.

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What de Juvenel overlooked was our solution to the Chairman's Problem, recasting the

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The concept of rights in terms of private property, rather than in terms of freedom of speech

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or assembly.

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In the first place, we may notice that in each of de Juvenel's examples, a man attending

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an assembly, a person writing to a Letters to the Editor column, and a man applying for

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discussion time on the radio, the scarce time or space being offered is free in the sense

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of costless.

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We are in the midst of what economics calls the rationing problem.

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A valuable, scarce resource has to be allocated, whether it be time at the podium, time in

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front of the microphone, or space in a newspaper.

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But since the use of the resource is free, costless, the demand for obtaining this time

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or space is bound greatly to exceed the supply, and hence a perceived shortage of the resource

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is bound to develop.

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As in all cases of shortages and of queuing up, caused by low or non-existent prices,

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the unsatisfied demanders are left with a feeling of frustration and resentment at not

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obtaining the use of the resource they believe they deserve.

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A scarce resource, if not allocated by prices, must be allocated in some other way by its

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owner.

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It should be noted that the dejuvenile cases could all be allocated by a price system,

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if the owner so desired.

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The chairman of an assembly could ask for price bids for scarce places at the podium,

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and then award the places to the highest bidders.

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The radio producer could do the same with discussants on his program.

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In effect, this is what producers do when they sell time to individual sponsors.

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There would then be no shortages and no feelings of resentment at a promise, equal access of

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the public to the column, podium or microphone, reneged.

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But beyond the question of prices, there is a deeper matter involved.

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For whether by prices or by some other criterion, the resource must, in all cases, be allocated

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by its owner.

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The owner of the radio station or the program or his agent rents or donates radio time in

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a way that he decides.

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The owner of the newspaper or his editor agent allocates space for letters in any way that

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he chooses.

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The owner of the assembly and his designated agent, the chairman, allocates the space at

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the podium in any way he decides.

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The fact that ownership is the ultimate allocator gives us the clue to the property solution

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of de Juvenel's Chairman's Problem.

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For the fellow who writes a letter to a newspaper is not the owner of the paper.

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He therefore has no right to but only a request for newspaper space, a request which it is

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the absolute right of the owner to grant or to deny.

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The man who asks to speak at an assembly has no right to speak, but only a request that

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the owner or his representative, the chairman, must decide upon.

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The solution is to recast the meaning of the right to freedom of speech or assembly, instead

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of using the vague and, as de Juvenel demonstrates, unworkable concept of some sort of equal right

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to, space or time.

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We should focus on the right of private property. Only when the right to free speech is treated

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simply as a subdivision of property right does it become valid, workable and absolute.

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This can be seen in De Juvenel's proposed right to buttonhole. De Juvenel says that there

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is a sense in which the right of speech can be exercised by each and every one. It is

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is the right to buttonhole, to talk and to try to convince the people one meets, and

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then to collect these people in a hall, and thus to constitute a congregation of one's

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own.

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Here de Juvenel approaches the proper solution without firmly attaining it, for what he is

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really saying is that the right to free speech is only valid and workable when used in the

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A sense of the right to talk to people, to try to convince them, to hire a hall to address

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people who wish to attend, etc.

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But this sense of the right to free speech is, in fact, part of a person's general right

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to his property, provided, of course, we remember the right of another person not to be button-holed

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if he doesn't want to, that is, his right not to listen.

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Your property right includes the right to one's property and to make mutually agreed-upon

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contracts and exchanges with the owners of other properties.

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De Juvenel's button-holer, who hires a hall and addresses his congregation, is exercising

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not a vague right of free speech, but a part of his general right of property.

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De Juvenel almost recognizes this when he considers the case of two men, Primus and

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and Secundus.

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Primus has collected through toil and trouble a congregation of his own doing.

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An outsider, Secundus, comes in and claims the right to address this congregation on

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grounds of the right of free speech.

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Is Primus bound to give him the floor?

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I doubt it.

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He can reply to Secundus, I have made up this congregation.

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Go thou and do likewise.

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Precisely.

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In short, Primus owns the meeting. He has hired the hall, has called the meeting and

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has laid down its conditions, and those who don't like these conditions are free not to

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attend or to leave. Primus has a property right in the meeting that permits him to speak

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at will. Secundus has no property right whatever, and therefore no right to speak at the meeting.

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In general, those problems where rights seem to require weakening are ones where the locus

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of ownership is not precisely defined, in short, where property rights are muddled.

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Many problems of freedom of speech, for example, occur in the government-owned streets.

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For example, should a government permit a political meeting which it claims will disrupt

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Traffic or Litter Streets with Handbills. But all of such problems, which seemingly

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require freedom of speech to be less than absolute, are actually problems due to the

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failure to define property rights. For the streets are generally owned by government.

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The government in these cases is the chairman. And then government, like any other property

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The whole problem would not arise, it should be noted, if the streets were owned by private individuals and firms, as they all would be in a libertarian state.

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Society. For then, the streets, like all other private property, could be rented by or donated

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to other private individuals or groups for the purpose of assembly. One would, in a fully

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libertarian society, have no more right to use someone else's street than he would have

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the right to preempt someone else's assembly hall. In both cases, the only right would

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will be the property right to use one's money to rent the resource, if the landlord is willing.

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Of course, so long as the streets continue to be government owned, the problem and the

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conflict remain insoluble.

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For government ownership of the streets means that all of one's other property rights, including

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speech, assembly, distribution of leaflets, etc., will be hampered and restricted by the

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The ever-present necessity to traverse and use government-owned streets, which government

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may decide to block or restrict in any way.

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If the government allows the street meeting, it will restrict traffic.

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If it blocks the meeting in behalf of the flow of traffic, it will block the freedom

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of access to the government streets.

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In either case, and whichever way it chooses, the rights of some taxpayers will have to

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be curtailed.

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The other place where the rights and locus of ownership are ill-defined, and hence where

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conflicts are insoluble, is the case of government assemblies and their chairman.

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For as we have pointed out, where one man or group hires a hall and appoints a chairman,

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the locus of ownership is clear and primus has his way.

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But what of government assemblies?

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Who owns them?

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So one really knows, and therefore there is no satisfactory or non-arbitrary way to resolve

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who shall speak and who shall not, what shall be decided and what shall not.

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True, the government assembly forms itself under its own rules, but then what if these

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rules are not agreeable to a large body of the citizenry?

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There is no satisfactory way to resolve this question because there is no clear locus of

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of Property Right Involved.

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To put it another way, in the case of the newspaper or radio program, it is clear that

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the letter-writer or would-be-discussant is the petitioner, and the publisher or producer

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the owner who makes the decision.

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But in the case of the governmental assembly, we do not know who the owner may be.

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The man who demands to be heard at a town meeting claims to be a part owner, and yet

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He has not established any sort of property right through purchase, inheritance or discovery,

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as have property owners in all other areas.

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To return to the streets, there are other vexed problems which would be quickly cleared

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up in a libertarian society where all property is private and clearly owned.

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In the current society, for example, there is continuing conflict between the right of

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of Taxpayers to have access to government-owned streets, as against the desire of residents

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of a neighborhood to be free of people whom they consider undesirable gathering in the

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streets.

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In New York City, for example, there are now hysterical pressures by residents of various

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neighborhoods to prevent McDonald's food stores from opening in their area, and in many cases

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they have been able to use the power of local government to prevent the stores from moving

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These, of course, are clear violations of the right of McDonald's to the property which

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they have purchased.

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But the residents do have a point—the litter and the attraction of undesirable elements

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who would be attracted to McDonald's and gather in front of it—on the streets.

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In short, what the residents are really complaining about is not so much the property right of

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of McDonald's as what they consider the bad use of the government streets.

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They are, in brief, complaining about the human right of certain people to walk at will

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on the government streets.

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But as taxpayers and citizens, these undesirables surely have the right to walk on the streets,

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and of course they could gather on the spot if they so desired without the attraction

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of McDonald's.

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In the libertarian society, however, where the streets would all be privately owned,

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the entire conflict could be resolved without violating anyone's property rights.

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For then, the owners of the streets would have the right to decide who shall have access

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to those streets, and they could then keep out undesirables if they so wished.

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Of course, those street owners who decided to keep out undesirables would have to pay

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the price.

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with the actual costs of policing as well as the loss of business to the merchants on

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their street and the diminished flow of visitors to their homes.

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Undoubtedly in the free society there would result a diverse pattern of access, with some

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streets and therefore neighborhoods open to all, and others with varying degrees of restricted

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access.

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Similarly, the private ownership of all streets would resolve the problem of the human right

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to Freedom of Immigration.

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There is no question about the fact that current immigration barriers restrict not so much

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a human right to immigrate, but the right of property owners to rent or sell property

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to immigrants.

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There can be no human right to immigrate, for on whose property does someone else have

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the right to trample?

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In short, if Primus wishes to migrate now from some other country to the United States,

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We cannot say that he has the absolute right to immigrate to this land area, for what of

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those property owners who don't want him on their property?

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On the other hand, there may be, and undoubtedly are, other property owners who would jump

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at the chance to rent or sell property to Primus, and the current laws now invade their

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property rights by preventing them from doing so.

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The libertarian society would resolve the entire immigration question within the matrix

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of absolute property rights.

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For people only have the right to move to those properties and lands where the owners

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desire to rent or sell to them.

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In the free society, they would, in first instance, have the right to travel only on

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those streets whose owners agree to have them there, and then to rent or buy housing from

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from Willing Owners. Again, just as in the case of daily movement on streets, a diverse

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and varying pattern of access of migration would undoubtedly arise.
