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NOTE 4. Natural Law and Natural Rights

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Chapter 4 Natural Law and Natural Rights

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As we have indicated, the great failing of natural law theory, from Plato and Aristotle

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to the Thomists and down to Leo Strauss and his followers in the present day, is to have

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been profoundly statist rather than individualist.

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This classical natural law theory placed the locus of the good and of virtuous action in

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and the State, with individuals strictly subordinated to state action.

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Thus from Aristotle's correct dictum that man is a social animal, that his nature is

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best fitted for social cooperation, the classicists leaped illegitimately to a virtual identification

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of society and the state, and thence to the state as the major locus of virtuous action.

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It was, in contrast, the Levellers, and particularly John Locke in 17th century England, who transformed

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classical natural law into a theory grounded on methodological, and hence political, individualism.

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From the Lockean emphasis on the individual as the unit of action, as the entity who thinks,

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feels, chooses and acts, stemmed his conception of natural law in politics as establishing

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the natural rights of each individual.

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It was the Lockean individualist tradition that profoundly influenced the later American

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revolutionaries and the dominant tradition of libertarian political thought in the revolutionary

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new nation.

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It is this tradition of natural rights libertarianism upon which the present volume attempts to

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build.

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Locke's celebrated second treatise on government was certainly one of the first systematic

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elaborations of libertarian, individualistic, natural rights theory.

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Indeed, the similarity between Locke's view and the theory set forth below will become

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evident from the following passage.

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Every man has a property in his own person.

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This nobody has any right to but himself.

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The labor of his body and the work of his hands, we may say, are properly his.

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Whatsoever then he removes out of the state that Nature hath provided and left it in,

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he hath mixed his labor with and joined to it something that is his own, and thereby

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makes it his property.

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It being by him removed from the common state Nature placed it in, it hath by this labor

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Something annexed to it that excludes the common right of other men.

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For this laborer being the unquestionable property of the laborer, no man but he can

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have a right to what that is once joined to.

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He that is nourished by the acorns he picked up under an oak, or the apples he gathered

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from the trees in the wood, has certainly appropriated them to himself.

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They can deny, but the nourishment is his. I ask, then, when did they begin to be his?

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And his plain, if the first gathering made them not his, nothing else could. That labor

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put a distinction between them and common. That added something to the more-than nature

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the common mother of all had done, and so they become his private right. And will anyone

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Can say he had no right to those acorns or apples he thus appropriated because he had

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not the consent of all mankind to make them his?

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If such a consent as that was necessary, man had starved, notwithstanding the plenty God

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had given him.

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We see in commons, which remain so by compact, that tis the taking part of what is common,

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and removing it out of the state nature leaves it in, which begins the property, without

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which the common is of no use.

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It should not be surprising that Locke's natural rights theory, as historians of political

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thought have shown, was riddled with contradictions and inconsistencies.

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After all, the pioneers of any discipline, any science, are bound to suffer from inconsistencies

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in the present work are only surprising to those steeped in the unfortunate modern fashion

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that has virtually abolished constructive political philosophy in favor of a mere antiquarian

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interest in older texts.

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In fact, libertarian natural rights theory continued to be expanded and purified after

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Postlock, reaching its culmination in the 19th century works of Herbert Spencer and

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Lysander Spooner.

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The myriad of post-lock and post-leveler natural rights theorists made clear their view that

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these rights stem from the nature of man and of the world around him.

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A few strikingly worded examples, 19th century German-American theorist Francis Lieber in

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In his earlier and more libertarian treatise, wrote,

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The law of nature, or natural law, is the law, the body of rights, which we deduce from

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the essential nature of man.

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And the prominent 19th century American Unitarian minister, William Ellery Channing.

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All men have the same rational nature and the same power of conscience, and all are

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are equally made for indefinite improvement of these divine faculties and for the happiness

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to be found in their virtuous use.

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And Theodore Wolsey, one of the last of the systematic natural rights theorists in 19th

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century America.

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Natural rights are those which by fair deduction from the present physical, moral, social,

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religious characteristics of man he must be invested with in order to fulfill the ends

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If, as we have seen, natural law is essentially a revolutionary theory, then so a fortiori

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is its individualist natural rights branch.

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As the 19th century American natural rights theorist Elisha P. Hurlberg put it, the laws

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shall be merely declaratory of natural rights and natural wrongs, and whatever is indifferent

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to the Laws of Nature shall be left unnoticed by human legislation, and legal tyranny arises

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whenever there is a departure from this simple principle.

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A notable example of the revolutionary use of natural rights is, of course, the American

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Revolution, which was grounded in a radically revolutionary development of Lockean theory

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during the 18th century.

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The famous words of the Declaration of Independence, as Jefferson himself made clear, were enunciating

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nothing new, but were simply a brilliantly written distillation of the views held by

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the Americans of the day.

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We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed

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by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty

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and the pursuit of happiness.

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The more common triad at the time was life, liberty and property.

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That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just

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powers from the consent of the governed.

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That whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right

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of the people to alter or to abolish it.

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Particularly striking is the flaming prose of the great abolitionist William Lloyd Garrison,

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Applying natural rights theory in a revolutionary way to the question of slavery.

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The right to enjoy liberty is inalienable.

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Every man has a right to his own body, to the products of his own labor, to the protection

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of law.

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That all these laws which are now in force, admitting the right of slavery, are therefore

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or before God, utterly null and void, and therefore they ought instantly to be abrogated.

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We shall be speaking throughout this work of rights, in particular the rights of individuals

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to property in their persons and in material objects.

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But how do we define rights?

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Right has cogently and trenchantly been defined by Professor Sadowski.

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When we say that one has the right to do certain things, we mean this and only this, that it

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would be immoral for another, alone or in combination, to stop him from doing this,

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by the use of physical force or the threat thereof.

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We do not mean that any use a man makes of his property within the limits set forth is

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necessarily a moral use.

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Sadowski's definition highlights the crucial distinction we shall make throughout this

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work between a man's right and the morality or immorality of his exercise of that right.

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We will contend that it is a man's right to do whatever he wishes with his person.

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It is his right not to be molested or interfered with by violence from exercising that right.

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But what may be the moral or immoral ways of exercising that right is a question of

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personal ethics rather than of political philosophy, which is concerned solely with matters of

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right and of the proper or improper exercise of physical violence in human relations.

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The importance of this crucial distinction cannot be overemphasized, or as Elisha Hurlbert

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would concisely put it, the exercise of a faculty by an individual is its only use.

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The manner of its exercise is one thing.

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That involves a question of morals.

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The right to its exercise is another thing.
