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NOTE 27. "The National Income Approach"

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Chapter 27 The National Income Approach

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No analysis of Keynesian economics would be complete without at least some discussion of

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what is variously called aggregative economics, macroeconomics and the national income approach.

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Many of his disciples are under the impression that it was Keynes who created the national

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income concept.

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This is pure fantasy.

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Efforts to calculate the national income have a long history.

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Though Keynes does have a great deal to say about aggregative economics, which we have

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The National Income Approach owes at least part of its present vogue to Keynesian ways

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Is National Income Determinant?

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The first thing to be emphasized about the national income is that it is an arbitrary

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and from the standpoint of scientific precision an indeterminate figure.

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The ablest students of the subject have recognized this.

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I need merely refer to the fine pioneering study of Simon Kuznets.

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Kuznets devotes his entire first chapter of fifty-seven pages to a discussion of the problems

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The Statistician who supposes that he can make a purely objective estimate of national

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income, not influenced by preconceptions concerning the facts, is deluding himself, for whenever

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he includes one item or excludes another, he is implicitly accepting some standard of

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Kuznets goes on to show that estimates of the national income necessarily involve legal

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and moral considerations.

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Should we include the compensation of robbers, murderers, drug peddlers and smugglers?

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And how shall we draw a line between economic activity and economic goods on the one hand,

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and active life in general and its stream of satisfactions on the other?

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Should washing, shaving and playing for amusement on the piano be treated as economic activity?

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When judged by the attributes of satisfaction yielding scarcity and disposability, they

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They do not differ from the same activities carried on for money as services to other

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people—nursing, barbering and giving concerts.

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And yet Kuznets decides to include only items that are dealt in on the market.

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This of course excludes all do-it-yourself activities, which in total are probably enormous.

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It excludes all the products of the family economy, including all the activities of housewives.

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So we get to such paradoxes as these.

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When a man marries his cook, the value of her work disappears from the national income

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accounts.

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When an opera singer sings professionally, she is considered as adding the equivalent

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of her salary to the national income.

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When she sings for charity or for friends, it doesn't count.

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How are we to prevent double counting at a hundred points?

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If we count the income of doctors and dentists, should we or should we not deduct it from

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the income of patients?

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What is it that we are trying to measure anyway?

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What is the difference between economic activity and active life in general?

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How, except by arbitrary value judgments, do we distinguish between productive and unproductive

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activities?

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Are we trying to measure national income produced, national income paid out, national income

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spent or national income consumed?

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No doubt today, most laymen and a large number of statisticians and economists assume that

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all these problems must have been satisfactorily solved because they read daily in their newspapers

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official figures showing exactly what the national income, personal income, disposable

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personal income, and above all, the gross national product, or GNP, were not only in

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and Past Periods, but at what annual rate they are currently running.

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And these figures are presented with great precision, with decimal points.

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Few laymen are aware that these figures are made up, not of definite items which can be

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lined up and counted, but in large part of estimates subject to error.

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Let us take a few quite recent illustrations.

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The President's Annual Economic Report of January 1958 boasted in its opening paragraph

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that the nation's GNP, or Output of Goods and Services, in 1957 totaled $434 billion,

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five percent larger than in the preceding year.

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Only later in the report were we explicitly told that four-fifths of this increase was

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was accounted for by rising prices, and that therefore, in physical terms, the increase

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was only about 1%.

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In July of 1958, however, the National Income Estimates received one of their periodic revisions,

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and the Department of Commerce Statisticians decided that our GNP in 1957 was not $434

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This brings us to one of the great problems

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in Estimating National Income. It is measured in a dollar which has itself no fixed value.

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In a period of inflation, all values are falsified. Today, the most frequently cited overall figure

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is not that of national income, but of gross national product, or GNP. I shall therefore

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used this for purposes of illustration.

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For 1939, the GNP was estimated at $91.1 billion.

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For 1957, it was estimated at $440.3 billion.

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Here is an apparent quadrupling, or better, of the GNP.

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But when the government statisticians restate the figures in constant dollars, specifically

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in 1954 dollars, they find that the GNP in 1939 has to be raised to 189.3 billion dollars,

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and that the 1957 GNP has to be lowered to 407 billion dollars.

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In other words, real GNP did not quadruple, but only about doubled in the 18-year period.

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The government statisticians get this result by dividing actual dollar amounts by an index

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number of prices for each year.

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They print, in fact, a separate table of implicit price deflators for the gross national product

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figures for each year based on an index number of 100 for 1954.

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The price deflator for 1939 on this basis is 48.1 and for 1957 is 108.2.

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If we take the GNP in 1939 at the prices that prevailed in that year, it comes, as we have

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have seen to $91.1 billion.

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But if we translate 1957 national income into 1939 prices, we get, instead of $440.3 billion,

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only $195.7 billion for 1957.

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This does not look nearly as impressive.

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If again we divide these figures by the population, we find a much lower rate of per capita growth

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than we are at all likely to gather from the crude overall figures.

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But though inflation and the changing value of the dollar make comparative overall national

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income figures quite misleading, is it, in fact, possible to correct the comparison by

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Applying Implicit Price Deflators?

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Only Approximately, Never Accurately.

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As Kuznets and every other serious student of index numbers has pointed out, goods never

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remain the same for two years in succession either in relative quantities or in comparative

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of Quality, and no index number can be completely scientific.

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There is one further factor that distorts and falsifies comparative national income figures.

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It is a factor I do not recall ever having seen discussed in connection with these figures.

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Yet it goes to the heart of the whole problem of measurability.

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Major crops often have a smaller total dollar value than smaller crops, hence crop restriction

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schemes, but this merely illustrates a wider principle.

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Economists have pointed out since the time of Adam Smith that it is not value in use

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but scarcity that determines value in exchange or money price.

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Water is an indispensable commodity that ordinarily commands no price at all.

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If more and more things became plentiful, except dollars, the national income, as measured

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in dollars, might begin to fall.

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If we could imagine a situation in which everything we could wish for was in as adequate supply

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as Air and Water, we might have no monetary national income at all.

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When one seeks to be clear about basic principles, it is never a bad idea, in spite of the ridicule

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that has been heaped upon it since the days of Karl Marx, to go back to Crusoe economics.

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Suppose then, we begin with a community of just two persons, one of whom raises beans,

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say one thousand pounds, and the other of whom raises potatoes, also one thousand pounds.

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This is their total wealth.

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The total wealth, or, if we wish, income of the community, is thus one thousand pounds

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of beans plus one thousand pounds of potatoes.

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But someone may wish to know which is the wealthier, Ben, who raises beans, or Peter,

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who raises potatoes, and what is the total wealth or annual income of the community expressed

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in terms of some common measure.

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Suppose Ben and Peter exchange their beans and potatoes at a ratio of a pound for a pound,

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to such an extent as to bring the relative marginal utilities of each to both of them

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into equilibrium.

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And suppose we elect to regard the potatoes as the medium of exchange and the money of

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account.

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Then the total income of the community is obviously 2,000 pounds of potatoes made up

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Up of one thousand pounds of potatoes and one thousand pounds of beans a year.

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But now, certain paradoxical results appear.

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Suppose Peter doubles the amount of potatoes he grows, while Ben raises only the same amount

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of beans.

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Then, the income of the community has risen, in real terms, to two thousand pounds of potatoes

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plus one thousand pounds of beans. We might be tempted to conclude that, in terms of the

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common standard of value, the income of the community was now three thousand pounds of

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potatoes. But because potatoes were now twice as plentiful and beans were unchanged in supply,

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Ben might demand, and Peter might be willing to pay, two pounds of potatoes for every pound

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of Beans.

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But this would mean that the supply of beans was twice as valuable as before.

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Therefore, the total income of the community, as expressed in potatoes, would not be 3,000

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pounds of potatoes, but 4,000.

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Suppose on the other hand it was the supply of beans that had doubled, and Peter was able

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is capable to demand and get two pounds of beans for every pound of potatoes.

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Then the income of the community measured in pounds of potatoes would not be three thousand pounds but only two thousand.

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So our national income figure expressed in a common medium of exchange or money of account

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does not express any absolute total at all, but merely an internal relationship of marginal

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values times quantities.

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We could go on to illustrate this by a more complex model, assuming, say, a hundred different

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commodities, one of which would be gold, and assuming that a certain weight of gold, a

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A dollar or one thirty-fifth of an ounce was the medium of exchange and the money of account.

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It would then be easy to show that an increase in the other ninety-nine commodities would

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by no means mean a proportionate increase in the national income as measured in dollars,

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and yet that a doubling of the amount of dollars alone might double the national income as

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as expressed in dollars.

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Nor would it be possible to correct for these paradoxical results, except in an inaccurate

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and untrustworthy fashion, by using implicit price deflators or inflators.

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And if the real problem of translating money value income into real or heterogeneous physical

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income is insoluble, still more so is the problem of translating either into psychic

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or enjoyment income, hence the impossibility of a scientific comparison of the income of

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Russia and the United States.

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In brief, national income estimates have a very limited value, a far more modest value

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than is now commonly supposed.

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They might have some value in comparing the national incomes of two different countries

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if the figures in both countries were compiled by the same methods and largely arbitrary

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or conventional standards, if both countries have the same monetary standard, say gold,

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and if complete freedom of currency convertibility and of trade prevailed.

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Such comparisons have little value when currency ratios are fixed by government, UKs or exchange

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control rather than by free markets or free convertibility into a common commodity.

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Its Dangers for Policy

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It is impossible, in some, to arrive at a precise scientific, objective or absolute

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measurement of the national income in terms of dollars.

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But the assumption that we can do so has led to dangerous policies, and threatens to lead

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to even more dangerous policies.

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Policy implications, in fact, are already found in the national income approach.

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For this embodies an attempt to deal with economic problems, starting from an arbitrarily

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The

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Acting Individuals

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This macroeconomic, as differentiated from the microeconomic approach, raises first

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of all the question, why is the nation considered the collective to be chosen and not the state

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State, State of New York, the Municipality, City of New York, the Borough, Manhattan,

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or on the other side, the continent, America, or the whole world.

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The chief answer to this question is that the choice of the collective is determined

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mainly by political considerations.

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Many of our American progressives aim at an equalization of incomes within the United

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States, but not at a world equalization.

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This political tendency explains also why these people are always talking about the

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distribution of the national income and not about the contribution of the various individuals

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and Groups of Individuals to its Coming into Existence.

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Logically, the contribution problem ought to be considered first.

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Much of the national income discussion is dominated by the Marxian thesis according

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to which goods are socially produced and, afterwards, individually appropriated.

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I have said that though the government compiles quarterly estimates, both of gross national

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product and of national income, it is the former figure that is much more frequently

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cited.

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This is partly because it appears earlier, as a private firm knows its gross income before

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it knows its net income, and partly because it is the larger figure.

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Real planners love big figures.

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We are constantly being told that we, the government, can easily afford to spend or

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give away, say, to foreign governments, this or that huge sum, because it is, after all,

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only such-and-such a percentage of our gross national product.

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No one would dream of considering such reasoning valid as applied to a private firm.

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The average industrial company's net profit, for example, amounts, 1956 through 1957,

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to only five or six cents on every dollar of sales.

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There are great deductions to be made from gross national product before we can estimate

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National Income.

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For example, in 1957 gross national product was estimated at $440.3 billion, whereas national

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income was estimated at only $364 billion.

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In arriving at the latter figure, some $34 billion was deducted for depreciation charges

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and some $38 billion for indirect business taxes.

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But depreciation charges are the result of estimates.

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The right amount of depreciation is never precisely known.

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Contrary to the belief of laymen and even of many accountants, a depreciation charge

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is not so much an estimate of past deterioration as a forecast of future probabilities.

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It is never known, for example, when an old machine is going to be made obsolete by a

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a New Invention, and particularly in a period of monetary inflation such as we have been

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undergoing for the last generation, depreciation charges are systematically underestimated

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because they fail to allow forever-mounting replacement costs.

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Another bad practice to which a too literal reliance on national income figures has led

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is that of insisting on the urgency of a certain rate of growth of the national income, no

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matter what level it has already reached.

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Thus, a report of the Rockefeller Brothers Fund in 1958, looking ten years ahead, came

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came up with the remarkable discovery that an economic growth rate of 5% a year would

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lead to a bigger growth in 10 years than a 3% rate or even a 4% rate.

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This insistence on achieving or maintaining a certain rate of growth is the result of

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several misconceptions.

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Professor G. Warren Nutter has pointed out that there is a long-run tendency for the

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industrial growth rates to slow down or retard as the level of production gets higher.

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There are several basic explanations of this.

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One has to do with a trick of percentage figures.

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Another has to do with a physical satiety point in human needs.

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If only one family in a country has a bathtub and the next year fifty families get one,

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the rate of growth is five thousand percent.

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But once everybody has a bathtub, net growth stops.

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This principle applies to houses, automobiles, radios, television sets, etc.

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In addition, as we have just noticed a little while back, as more and more things become

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plentiful, except dollars, there might even be a tendency for the national income figures

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to reflect this by falling, because prices might fall faster than output rows.

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Still another practical danger of the religious use of national income figures is that it

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can lead to a confusing or reversal of economic cause and effect.

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The national income of a given year is the total result of all the production and transactions

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during that year.

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In this respect, the national income figures are similar to the account books of a private

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firm.

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But more and more, in current discussion, one finds the national income figure treated

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as a cause of production.

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The national income is thought of as the purchasing power that automatically creates and buys

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the production.

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The truth is that the national income is the production itself, looked at from another

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side.

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Broadly speaking, national income does not cause national production, but national production

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causes national income.

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In so far as the causation is the other way round, it is because of the truth in that

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very Say's law that the Keynesians and national income addicts tell us has been discredited.

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The national income figures seem to have given birth to all sorts of cause and effect fallacies.

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For example, if we look at the composition of the national income figures for, say, 1957,

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we find that part of the GNP total of $440.3 billion is arrived at by including $87.1 billion

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for government purchases of goods and services.

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When the national income figures of $364 billion for that year are broken down into specific

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industries, we find that nearly $43 billion is unaccounted for by government and government

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enterprises.

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It is easy to jump to the conclusion, which Keynesians do, that if it were not for these

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People with a less favorable opinion of the role of government would point out that whatever

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the government spends, it takes away from somebody in taxes.

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This applies also to the hidden tax involved in monetary inflation.

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Undoubtedly, such government employees as policemen, firemen, judges and road builders

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do increase by an unassertainable amount real national income.

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But it may be questioned whether such agencies as price controllers, rent boards, the tariff

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If we think of the national income as a mere lump overall sum in dollars and it falls short

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of some goal by X billion dollars, it is a tempting step for economic planners to assume

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that the X billion dollars could be easily supplied by that much deficit spending or even

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by printing that much money.

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This leads indirectly to inflation, for we can raise our national income to any figure

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Here We Want simply by depreciating the dollar enough to raise prices to reach that income.

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In Germany in 1923, the national income in marks actually rose to hundreds of billions

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of times higher than its previous level, because the paper mark was depreciated to one trillionth

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of its former purchasing power.

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To be sure, when explicitly taxed with the point, economic planners will say that their

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goal is a national income of X billions in dollars of present purchasing power.

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But they forget this qualification in actual practice.

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They are always citing the latest national income figures in terms of the latest and

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most inflated dollar.

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They do not stop to remind us, or even themselves, of how much the national income would have

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to be written down to reflect the price level of, say, 20 years ago.

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The national income approach has become one of the important incitements to inflation.

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For the easiest and surest way to get constantly bigger national income figures is not by increasing

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Output and Consumer Satisfactions, but by constantly shrinking the measuring rod, by

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constantly depreciating the dollar.

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It remains to be pointed out, finally, that economic forecasting based on aggregative

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economics or the national income approach has been a failure.

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David McCord Wright, who declared that In practical experience, the Keynesian forecasters

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have quite a poor record, cites in evidence the egregious failure of most Keynesian forecasts

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after World War II, which was very largely due to an unexpected upward jump of the consumption

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level.

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Similarly, he adds, in 1953 and again in 1958, the Keynesian models of mechanical interrelationships

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between investment and consumption did not work out.

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This judgment corroborates that of John H. Williams.

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The consumption function in particular has given the mathematicians an ideal concept

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for Building Models of National Income and Making Forecasts.

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Thus far, the forecasts have been almost uniformly bad.
