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NOTE 29. Summary

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Chapter 29 Summary

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In the present book, we have followed the exposition and argument of the general theory

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as Keynes presents it.

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This means that the argument has taken a winding course, often involving repetition.

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The reader may find it helpful, therefore, if we now briefly summarize some of the main

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negative or positive propositions in each chapter.

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Chapter 1.

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Though Keynes has been praised as the peer of Adam Smith, Ricardo, and even Darwin, not

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a single important doctrine in his work is both true and original.

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2.

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Keynes's effort to overthrow the orthodox contention that the most frequent cause of unemployment is excessive wage rates is unsuccessful.

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His arguments characteristically rest on en bloc thinking that assumes away the individual differences that make up reality.

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Prices and wage rates never change uniformly or as a unit, but always relatively and individually.

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Aggregative and macroeconomics conceal real interrelationships and real causes.

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3. Keynes did not succeed in refuting Say's law of markets.

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Markets.

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His attempted refutation consisted merely in ignoring the qualifications that the classical

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economists themselves insisted on as an integral part of the doctrine.

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4.

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Keynes's thought is honeycombed with contradictions.

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His central idea of an equilibrium with unemployment is self-contradictory by the very concept

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and Definition of Equilibrium.

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Five, Keynes's choice of units for economic measurement was hopelessly confused.

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What he calls a quantity of employment and puts into algebraic equations as such turns

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out on his own definition to be not a quantity of employment but a quantity of money received

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by Laborers Who Are Employed 6.

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There is nothing particularly original in Keynes's treatment of the role that expectations

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play in economic life.

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He does not, in fact, sufficiently recognize that role.

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He sees that expectations affect current output and employment, but seems to forget that they

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They are also embodied in every current price, interest rate and wage rate.

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7.

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The current disparagement of static theory is mainly the result of confusion of thought.

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Static theory is necessary not only for the solution of many basic problems, but as a

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preliminary to dynamic theory.

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There is no difference in kind between the methods of static analysis and the methods

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of dynamic analysis.

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There is merely a difference in the specific hypotheses made.

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The appropriateness or utility of any hypothesis depends mainly on the particular problem we

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are trying to solve.

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8.

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Keynes's definitions of his key terms, income, saving and investment, are merely circular.

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They are all defined in terms of each other.

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He so defines saving and investment that they are not only necessarily equal but identical.

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He repudiates and apologizes for his confusing definitions of these same terms as given in

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in his Treatise on Money, but absentmindedly returns to these old definitions in his subsequent discussion,

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particularly when he tries to prove that investment increases employment and that saving reduces it.

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Keynes treated saving with contempt as far back as The Economic Consequences of the Peace in 1919.

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9. Mathematical economics, as Keynes and others use it, can at best give precision to purely

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hypothetical assumptions. To mistake these hypotheses for known or determinable realities

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leads to a merely spurious precision and compounds error.

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Keynes's alleged consumption function, his fundamental psychological law governing the

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propensity to consume, is an unsuccessful attempt to turn a loose truism known from

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time immemorial into a precise and predictable relationship.

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Even if this relationship existed, it would not have the economic consequences that Keynes

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attributes to it.

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10.

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Keynes's list of eight motives for saving is arbitrary.

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It could either be expanded to a much larger number or reduced to one to build up a reserve

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against future needs or contingencies.

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In addition to this motive for plain saving, however, we must set down the motive to capitalistic

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saving to make roundabout methods of production possible, which is quite overlooked in Keynes's

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8.

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His argument that a rise in the rate of interest will diminish investment rests on the fallacy

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of assuming an arbitrary or uncaused rise in the rate of interest, rather than a rise

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11.

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Keynes's investment multiplier is a myth.

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There is never any fixed, predictable multiplier.

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There is never any precise, predeterminable or mechanical relationship between social

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Financial Income, Consumption, Investment and Extent of Employment.

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An equilibrium with unemployment, to repeat, is a contradiction in terms.

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No investment multiplier can be calculated or even discussed, except in relation to the

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extent of maladjustment or discoordination among prices and wage rates, or to the state

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of Business Sentiment.

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Keynes's implied definitions of saving and investment constantly shift.

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He tacitly assumes that what is not spent on consumption goods is not spent on anything

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at all.

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By investment he most frequently means government deficit spending financed by inflation.

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His multiplier easily lends itself to a reductio ad absurdum.

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His belief that gold or money is sterile is a relic of medieval prejudice.

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12.

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Keynes uses one of his key phrases, the marginal efficiency of capital, in so many different

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senses that it is difficult, if not impossible, to keep track of them.

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He fails to recognize that interest rates are as much governed by expectations as is

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the marginal efficiency of capital.

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Instead of using this latter term to cover at least six different possible meanings, he

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should have been careful at all times to distinguish between these meanings.

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But if he had, he might not have written the general theory at all.

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13.

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Keynes's arguments against liquidity and against speculation are untenable.

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Speculative anticipations and risks are necessarily involved in all economic activity.

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Somebody must bear them.

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What Keynes is saying is that people cannot be trusted to invest the money they have themselves

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earned, and that this money should be seized from them by government officials and spent

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or invested in the directions in which those officials, seeking to hold on to political

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power, deem best.

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14.

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It is not helpful to explain interest rates as the reward for parting with liquidity any

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more than it would be to explain the price of tomatoes or a house as the reward to the

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buyer for parting with cash for them.

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Without previous saving, moreover, there can be no liquidity to part with.

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If Keynes's theory of interest were right, interest rates would be highest at the bottom

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of a depression and lowest at the peak of a boom, which is almost precisely the opposite

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of their actual tendency.

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Keynes is wrong in regarding money as barren.

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It is a productive asset, and productive in the same sense as other assets.

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Keynes is also wrong in regarding interest as a purely monetary phenomenon.

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His fallacy consists in assuming that because monetary factors can be shown to affect the

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rate of interest, real factors can safely be ignored or even denied.

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Whatever is true in Keynes's theory of interest was already recognized by Newt Wichsel and

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is fully taken account of in the work of the best contemporary economists.

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15.

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Though Keynes attacks the classical theory of the rate of interest, there is no uniform

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classical theory of interest.

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Current theories of interest might be divided into three broad categories.

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1.

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Productivity Theories, 2.

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Time Preference or Time Discount Theories, and 3.

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Theories which combine productivity and time preference.

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As a borrower of funds, in effect, buys or borrows time, or the use or enjoyment of goods

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before he could otherwise use or enjoy them, time preference or time usance must be recognized

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as the chief factor in explaining interest and the rate of interest.

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But investment opportunity, the prospective rate of return over cost, or the expected

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net value productivity of specific new capital goods, also plays a role, because of its influence

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on the demand for loans and the rate that borrowers are willing to pay.

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Any complete theory of interest must deal not only with real but with monetary factors.

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At any given moment, the rate of interest is determined by the point of intersection

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of the supply curve of savings with the demand curve of investment, or the supply of loanable

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funds with the demand for loanable funds.

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But the chief long-run determinant of the interest rate is the community's composite

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rate of time discount.

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16.

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While Keynes formally defines saving and investment as necessarily equal in amount and merely

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different aspects of the same thing, his theory repeatedly depends on the tacit assumption

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that saving and investment are separate and independent.

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Under the assumption of a constant money supply, saving and investment are necessarily at all

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times equal.

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When investment exceeds prior genuine saving, it is because new money and bank credit are

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being created.

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When ordinary saving exceeds subsequent investment, it is because the money supply is contracting.

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An excess of saving over subsequent investment is but another way of describing deflation,

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and an excess of investment over prior saving is but another way of describing inflation.

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Keynes's assumption that it would be comparatively easy to make capital goods so abundant that

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the marginal efficiency of capital is zero is fantastic, and has absurd implications.

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17.

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Keynes's theories of own rates of interest are completely untenable.

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What he is talking about is not interest rates at all, but merely speculative anticipations

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of price changes.

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Keynes's belief that the world is so poor in accumulated capital assets overlooks the

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fact that at least two out of every three persons in the world today owe their very

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existence to accumulated capital since the Industrial Revolution.

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18. Keynes had confused ideas about economic interrelationships. Particularly absurd was

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his idea that flexible money wages, adjusting to prior changes in prices and demand, would

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cause violent oscillations in prices and that we could stabilize the economy by trying to

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to hold up wage rates regardless of what happened to prices.

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His remedy would un-stabilize the economy and create or prolong the very mass unemployment

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he professed to be trying to cure.

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19.

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Keynes is unsuccessful in his attempt to deny the most strongly established principle in

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and Economics, that if the price of any commodity or service is kept too high, i.e. above the

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point of equilibrium, some of that commodity or service will remain unused or unsold.

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When wage rates are too high, there will be unemployment.

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Adjusting the myriad wage rates to their respective equilibrium points may not always be in itself

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A sufficient step to the restoration of full employment.

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But it is an absolutely necessary step.

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Keynes tried to substitute general monetary inflation for piecemeal wage and price adjustment.

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But without proper wage-price coordination, inflation cannot bring full employment.

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20.

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There is no reason to suppose that there is a genuine and determinable functional relationship

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between effective demand and the volume of employment.

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There will be full employment with all sorts of changes in effective demand if a fluid

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and dynamic equilibrium exists among prices, wage rates, etc.

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There will be unemployment with no matter what effective demand if this equilibrium does not exist.

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Keynes was unjustified in declaring that previous economists had failed to reconcile value theory

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and monetary theory.

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21.

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Inflation is at once an uncertain remedy for unemployment, an unnecessary remedy for unemployment,

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Unemployment and a Dangerous Remedy for Unemployment

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Elasticity of demand is not measurable.

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The mathematical method is misapplied to it.

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To try to cure unemployment by inflation rather than by adjustment of specific wage rates

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is like trying to adjust the piano to the stool rather than the stool to the piano.

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The rate of interest is a market price like any other market price, and determined as

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much by the demands of borrowers as by the offers of lenders.

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22.

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The explanation of an economic crisis as a sudden collapse of the marginal efficiency

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of capital is either a useless truism or an obvious error, according to the interpretation

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When we give the phrase the marginal efficiency of capital, if this means simply a collapse

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of confidence, the explanation is a truism.

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If it means a collapse in physical productivity, it is nonsense.

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If it means a collapse in value productivity, it reverses cause and effect.

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The Keynesian cure for crises is perpetual low interest rates.

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The attempt to attain these would lead to a policy of perpetual inflation.

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The Javonian theory that business conditions vary directly with the size of crops is untenable

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and particularly implausible in the form maintained by Keynes.

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23. Keynes's system, as he came to recognize at the end of the general theory, was actually

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a reversion to the naive and discredited theories of the mercantilists and underconsumption

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theorists from Mandeville and Malthus to Hobson. It was also a reversion to all the inflationist

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Most Theories of the Currency Cranks, from John Law to Silvio Giselle

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24.

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Keynes's proposals for the euthanasia of the rentier, of the functionless investor,

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were proposals to rob the productive and expropriate their savings.

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Keynes's plan for the socialization of investment would inevitably entail socialism and state

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Seriously carried out, it would remove any significant field for the exercise of private

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initiative and responsibility.

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Keynes, in brief, recommended de facto socialism under the guise of reforming and preserving

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capitalism.

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Domestic laissez-faire and an international gold standard, blamed by Keynes as among the

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25.

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Because Keynes was continually contradicting himself, we may not be justified in calling

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26.

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If we try to use the term with scientific or objective precision, full employment is

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not even definable.

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Full employment at whatever cost is not even desirable.

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It is best either to use the term in a loose, common-sense way to mean the absence of abnormal

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involuntary unemployment or to replace it by the term optimum employment.

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It is not an end in itself, but a means to, or an accompaniment, of much broader ends,

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including mainly the maximization of consumer satisfactions.

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The economic objective of mankind, after all, is not more work, but less.

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27.

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Estimates to determine the national income in monetary terms have merely a limited usefulness

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for special purposes.

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Actually, all estimates of national income rest on certain arbitrary and sometimes false

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assumptions.

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They are not purely objective or strictly determinate.

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The present fetish made of such estimates leads not only to confusion of economic cause

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and effect, but to inflationist and totalitarian policies.

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Economic forecasting based on aggregative economics or the national income approach

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has been almost uniformly bad.

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28.

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It is not true that deficits in the government budget cure unemployment.

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It is not true that low interest rates cure unemployment.

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The Keynesian prescription leads to a constant race between the money supply and the demands

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of the Trade Unions, but it does not lead to long run, full employment.
