WEBVTT

NOTE Albert Jay Nock (1870–1945)

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The Ludwig von Mises Institute presents The Libertarian Tradition, an audio series with Jeff Rigenbach.

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In the beginning, there was Henry George.

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Henry George was born September 2, 1839, in Philadelphia, the second of ten children in a not overly prosperous family.

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and Family. His formal education ended when he was 14 years old. A little less than a

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year later, at the age of 15, he went to sea. He didn't care much for the experience, however,

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and when his ship returned to Philadelphia 14 months later, he stayed ashore for nearly

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two years, serving an apprentice ship at a printing establishment. Then, at 18, he went

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to see again. He never really intended to stick out the entire voyage, however. He jumped

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ship in San Francisco and looked around for a job that would make use of his newly acquired

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skills as a typesetter. He found work soon enough in the local newspaper business, first

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as a typesetter and printer, then as a reporter and editorial writer, finally as an editor

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and Proprietor.

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For four years, 1871 to 1875, he was editor and part owner of the San Francisco Daily

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Evening Post.

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It was about the time the Evening Post closed its doors in the mid-1870s, when George was

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in his mid-30s, that he at last gave in to the impulse to write a book, making the argument

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for an idea that had come to him a few years earlier, near the beginning of the decade.

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George had decided at that time that the reason poverty persists even in the midst of great

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wealth is that absentee owners were skimming off huge profits on undeveloped land, whose

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price had been driven up not by any improvements put there by the owners, but by the mere proximity

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of other developed land and of various commercial enterprises.

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Seize this unearned wealth, George proposed, and use it to fund government.

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The single tax, his proposal came to be called, because, according to George, no other taxes

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would be necessary to pay the full cost of legitimate governmental activity.

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In George's view, very little governmental activity was legitimate.

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The sphere of government begins, he wrote, where the freedom of competition ends, since

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Interference in no other way can equal liberty be assured, but within this line I have always

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opposed governmental interference.

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I have been an active, consistent and absolute free trader and an opponent of all schemes

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that would limit the freedom of the individual.

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He held the rights of property to be absolute, he said, except, of course, for the right

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to own land.

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Property and land, he wrote, is as indefensible as property in man.

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And according to the chapter on him in Charles Madison's useful 1947 book Critics and Crusaders,

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A Century of American Protest, George argued that in the end, genuine free trade involved

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the abolition of all tariffs and taxes.

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Henry George was, in effect, a limited government libertarian, a minarchist, except for his

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his views on land and the single tax. The book he wrote in the late 1870s and published

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in 1879 when he was 40 years old was called Progress and Poverty, an Inquiry into the

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Cause of Industrial Depressions and of Increase of Want with Increase of Wealth, The Remedy.

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It was a tremendous success, a huge best seller. It sold some 3 million copies in a United

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States Inhabited by Fewer Than 50 Million People. It's as though a book published today were

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to sell 18 million copies. Progress and poverty made George financially comfortable for the

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first time in his life. It launched a movement, the so-called Georgist or Single Tax Movement,

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which attained considerable influence in American politics in the 1880s and 90s. George himself

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ran for mayor of New York in 1886 and came in second, third place went to the 28-year-old

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Republican candidate, Theodore Roosevelt. It was widely believed and widely brooded

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about that George had really come in first, and that Tammany Hall had stolen the election

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by buying votes and by throwing ballots for George into the East River. George ran again

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was written a decade later, but died of a stroke during the campaign on October 29, 1897 in New York City at the age of 58.

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Meanwhile, Georgist mayors were elected, or were soon to be elected, in other cities.

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Toledo, Cincinnati, Cleveland. At least one Georgist was elected to Congress.

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George's books were read by, and exercised an intellectual influence upon, not a few

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people who were either already famous, like Leo Tolstoy, or later came to fame of one

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kind or another, Clarence Darrow, Henry Ford, Aldous Huxley, Albert J. Nock.

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It is the last of these figures, Albert J. Nock, who is the real central character of

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our present story.

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Nock was born in 1870 in Scranton, Pennsylvania, at just about the time Henry George was conceiving

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the idea that would become progress and poverty.

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Nock's father was an Episcopal minister.

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His mother was a descendant of John Jay.

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He grew up mainly in Brooklyn and was educated at home up to the age of 14 when he was sent,

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in the mid-1880s, at about the time Henry George was making his first run for mayor

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of New York, to a four-year prep school near Peoria, Illinois.

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From there, he went to St. Stephen's College, an Episcopal college in Annandale-on-Hudson,

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New York, about a hundred miles up the Hudson River from New York City.

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Since the mid-1930s, St. Stephen's has been known as Bard College, in honor of its founder,

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John Bard, who had established it in 1860 as a training school for Episcopal clergymen.

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For a few years after his graduation from St. Stephen's in 1892, Albert J. Knox seems

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to have toyed with the idea of an academic career.

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He stuck around Annandale, took graduate courses, taught introductory courses in Latin and German.

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By 1895, however, he was in Divinity School in Connecticut.

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In 1897, he was ordained an Episcopal minister.

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In 1898, he reported to his first church, St. James Memorial in Titusville, Pennsylvania.

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For the next 12 years, Nock worked as a clergyman in Titusville, Blacksburg, Virginia and Detroit.

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He married and fathered two sons.

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Then, at the age of 40 in 1910, he left his wife and children and moved to New York, where

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he took a job as an editor on a monthly called The American Magazine.

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Knock really wasn't cut out to be a minister.

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Though he was outwardly rather formal and traditional in his manner, and though he tended

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to favor the traditional and even somewhat sedate in the arts, the symphonies of Franz

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Josef Haydn, for example, his mind was free-thinking and radical, unafraid to question any orthodoxy,

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unafraid to challenge any shibboleth, however sacred.

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The evidence suggests that Knock may have donned his clerical collar in an effort to

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to please his mother, who had wanted him to follow in his father's footsteps.

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In any case, once he summoned the courage to take that collar off and follow his own

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secret passion, he headed straight for the world that had been his secret refuge for

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the previous two decades, the world he'd long been reading about and longing for, the world

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of ideas and public affairs, the world that was the natural home of all those who saw

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that human beings were capable of improvement, and understood that the way to improve them

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was to reform their societies.

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Nock had become a Georgist sitting in his dormitory room, and later his parsonage, reading.

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Now he would go and live among fellow Georgists, if he could find any, and if not, then at

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least among people who ached, as he did, for reform, for improvement in the way people

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lived.

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In the American magazine, between 1910 and 1915, Nock worked with John Reed, Lincoln

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Steffens and Ida Tarbell.

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He wrote articles pushing progressive causes and programs.

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According to his biographer, Michael Resen, Nock thought of himself in these years as

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a humanitarian and progressive, as well as an individualist.

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And individualist or not, like other progressives of the period, he was, as Resen puts it,

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Inamored of the potential effectiveness of organizing and planning toward constructive

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ends, despite also being suspicious of the state, institutions and vast organizations.

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It was in the year 1914, two years before he voted for Woodrow Wilson for president,

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that NOC, in Resn's words, came out for compulsory service for every boy and girl between the

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in the ages of 17 and 21.

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But the service would be devoted to agriculture, not war.

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The conscripts would fight against nature instead of men, against floods, grasshoppers

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and mosquitoes.

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They would undertake massive reclamation projects, immense areas of dry soil brought under irrigation,

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reforestation of the entire northwest, reclamation of the lower Mississippi and power development.

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It was a vision to make the TVA pale by comparison. And, of course, it could all easily be financed

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by the single tax.

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Between 1915 and 1920, Nock freelanced for various magazines and briefly held a full-time

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job as a member of the editorial staff of the nation. Then, for four years, beginning

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in 1920, he was editor of the legendary Georgist weekly, The Freeman. When The Freeman closed

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Throughout its doors, it was back to freelancing, now mainly for the American Mercury, Harpers

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and the Atlantic Monthly, plus writing books and, now and then, as demanded, lecturing

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and teaching.

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Nock died on August 19, 1945, just two months short of his 75th birthday.

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Throughout these years, Nock was reading and thinking, and his reading and thinking was

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is more and more calling into question many of the assumptions that had long informed

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his political beliefs.

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The more he read about history, for example, the more he noticed that, as he later put

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it, the state is the poorest instrument imaginable for improving human society.

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It is slow, extravagant, inefficient, wasteful, unadaptive, stupid, and, at least by tendency,

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corrupt.

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Confidence in Political Institutions and Political Nostrums is ludicrously misplaced.

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These facts help to account, certainly, for what Nock called the notorious failure of

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reforming and revolutionary movements in the long run.

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But might it not also suggest that his hopes of finding a way to improve human beings and

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human society were groundless?

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No matter how you looked at it, it was worrisome.

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Yet, as late as the early 1930s, according to Knox memoirs, I still believed that the

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masses of mankind are indefinitely improvable.

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By around 1935, however, he had become convinced that this belief would not withstand scrutiny.

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I ended, he wrote, by striking my colors as gracefully as possible, parted company with

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the theologians, with Mr. Jefferson, with Price, Priestley, Condorcet, Rousseau, Madame

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and went over to the opposition with head unbowed and withers still unrung.

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Nock had already decided in the late 1920s that around the same time he began calling

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himself an anarchist that spending his days commenting on current issues as he had been

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doing for nearly 20 years was a waste of time.

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It is not so important at the moment, he wrote, to try to make people take up with this, that

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or the other view, as it is to establish the questions that must be considered before any

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competent view can be formulated.

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These questions are sunk now in an immense depth of ignorance, and until they are brought

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up and at least clearly presented, I don't believe the moralist has any chance at all.

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The questions that must be considered before any competent view can be formulated.

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One such question was, what is the nature of the state? Where did it come from? If the

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state was, in fact, useless for the purpose of improving human society, what was it in

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fact good for? So he wrote a book. It's called Our Enemy the State. It came out in 1935 after

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being delivered as a series of lectures at Knox's newly renamed alma mater, Bard College.

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It contains a chapter which attempts to explain the economic origins of the American Revolution

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by drawing on the theories of land ownership of Henry George, but apart from that relatively

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small imperfection, Our Enemy the State is a true libertarian classic, one of those books

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you simply must read if you have any serious interest at all in the libertarian idea.

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The state, Nock wrote, did not originate in the common understanding and agreement of

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society.

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It originated in conquest and confiscation.

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Its intention, far from contemplating freedom and security, contemplated nothing of the

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kind.

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It contemplated primarily the continuous economic exploitation of one class by another.

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And it concerned itself with only so much freedom and security as was consistent with

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with this primary intention, and this was, in fact, very little.

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Its primary function or exercise was maintaining the stratification of society into an owning

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and exploiting class and a propertyless dependent class.

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The order of interest that it reflected was not social but purely anti-social, and those

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who administered it, judged by the common standard of ethics or even the common standard

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of Law as applied to private persons were indistinguishable from a professional criminal class.

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The positive testimony of history, Nock wrote, is that the state invariably had its origin

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in conquest and confiscation.

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No primitive state known to history originated in any other manner, and no primitive state

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could possibly have had any other origin.

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Moreover, the sole invariable characteristic of the state is the economic exploitation

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of one class by another.

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Not quotes the German sociologist Franz Oppenheimer, who described the typical primitive state,

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in respect of its origin, as an institution forced on a defeated group by a conquering

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group, with a view only to systematizing the domination of the conquered by the conquerors,

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and Safeguarding itself against insurrection from within and attack from without.

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This domination had no other final purpose than the economic exploitation of the conquered

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group by the victorious group.

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Any considerable economic accumulation, Nock wrote, or any considerable body of natural

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resources is an incentive to conquest.

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The primitive technique was that of raiding the coveted possessions, appropriating them

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entire and either exterminating the possessors or dispersing them beyond convenient reach.

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Very early, however, it was seen to be in general more profitable to reduce the possessors

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to dependents and use them as labor motors.

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This modified technique has been in use almost from the beginning, and everywhere, its first

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The State, Nock wrote, both in its genesis and by its primary intention, is purely anti-social.

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It is not based on the idea of natural rights, but on the idea that the individual has no

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rights except those that the State may provisionally grant him.

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It has always made justice costly and difficult of access, and has invariably held itself

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above justice and common morality whenever it could advantage itself by so doing.

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In essence, then, taking the state wherever found, striking into its history at any point,

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one sees no way to differentiate the activities of its founders, administrators and beneficiaries

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from those of a professional criminal class.

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After all, Nock argued, there are two and only two means of making a living in this

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world.

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There's the economic means, earning it, and there's the political means, seizing it from

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someone else who has earned it.

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The state, Nock said, was the organization of the political means.

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Does this sound familiar somehow?

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Does it sound perhaps like the rhetoric of Mr. Libertarian, Murray R. Rothbard?

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Knock had an immense influence on Rothbard. He also had an immense influence, apparently,

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on another major figure in the contemporary libertarian movement, Ayn Rand. According

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to Anne C. Heller, whose biography of Rand, Ayn Rand and the World She Made, was published

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about a year ago, it was the theory Knock had adapted from Franz Oppenheimer that inspired

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Rand to write The Fountainhead. In that novel, Heller writes, Rand is channeling

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RAND'S FACINATING CONTRIBUTION TO THIS FORMULATION IS HER DEPICTION OF THE PSYCHOLOGY.

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Rourke's political man is her second-hander, his economic man is her individualist hero,

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reliant on his own ego as the fountainhead of productivity and value.

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In Rourke's self-defense at trial, he says, the creator's concern is the conquest of nature,

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the parasite's concern is the conquest of men.

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At University of Virginia, historian Jennifer Burns reports in her 2009 book, Goddess of

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the Market, Ayn Rand of the American Right, that when Rand met Knock in the early 1940s,

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at a time when the fountainhead was still an unfinished manuscript, she found him fatalistic

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and gloomy, inclined to give up and willing to, as she put it, surrender the world to

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the enemies of individual liberty.

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Perhaps Nock knew something Rand didn't.

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She herself, a few years down the line, would counsel her followers that, it is earlier

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than you think, that many years of educating the populace would have to precede any attempt

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to achieve political liberty in the United States.

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As Nock himself had put it at least 30 years earlier, even a successful revolution would

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accomplish nothing.

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The people would be as thoroughly indoctrinated with statism after the revolution as they

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were before, and therefore the revolution would be no revolution but a coup d'état

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by which the citizen would gain nothing but a mere change of oppressors.

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There have been many revolutions, and this has been the sum of their history.

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They amount to no more than an impressive testimony to the great truth that there can

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be no right action except there be right thinking behind it.

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But instead of recognizing the state as the common enemy of all well-disposed, industrious

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and decent men, the run of mankind, with rare exceptions, regards it not only as a final

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and indispensable entity, but also as, in the main, beneficent.

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And as long as the easy, attractive, superficial philosophy of statism remains in control of

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For the citizen's mind, no beneficent social change can be effected, whether by revolution or by any other means.

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Such were the ideas that made Albert J. Nock one of the major figures in the 20th century branch of the libertarian tradition,

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even if they were his ideas, only during the last 20 years or so of his life.

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This is Jeff Rigondyne.
