WEBVTT

NOTE Gary Chartier: The Conscience of an Anarchist

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The Ludwig von Mises Institute presents The Libertarian Tradition, an audio series with Jeff Rickenbach.

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If the libertarian tradition is going to endure and grow in both size and influence, it's necessary for younger libertarians to do two things.

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First, they need to familiarize themselves with that tradition.

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Second, and more fundamentally, they need to add to it.

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Enter Gary Chartier, Southern California law professor.

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Chartier was born in Southern California in 1966.

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He grew up in Riverside County out in the desert east of Los Angeles.

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And when he hit adolescence, along about the early 1980s, his reading about political economy

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convinced him that he was a libertarian.

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I was, in many ways, a fairly typical proto-libertarian of my generation, he wrote more than a quarter

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century later.

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I grew up with Goldwaterite parents, I liked computers, I read science fiction, I was socially

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awkward and I discovered the libertarian party, moving house recently I chanced on flyers

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for the 1980 Ed Clark campaign and the option of acquiring libertarian books by mail order.

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And perhaps what explains my receiving a 1984 form letter, something I also rediscovered

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recently, from Ron Paul, asking that I support the fledgling Mises Institute.

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Chartier recalls looking through the small print catalogue I'd requested from a libertarian

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bookseller and learning about the diverse array of stuff with which the libertarian world

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was filled.

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I'd already spent time with Volume 2 of Hayek's Law, Legislation and Liberty, obtained via

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interlibrary loan, now I ordered Volume 3, along with Nozick's Anarchy, State and Utopia

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and Rothbard's The Ethics of Liberty.

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As Chartier remembers it, these books weren't the first libertarian texts I'd read.

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Perhaps a year or two before this, I'd spent time with Milton and Rose Friedman's Free

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to Choose, but I was delighted now to have a set of substantial libertarian books to read.

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Rothbard blew my mind. Nozick was a great intellectual workout, but by far the most

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difficult author I'd ever tried to read, and I started calling Hayek my favorite economist,

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a bit puzzlingly since I didn't know many other economists, and what I'd read by Hayek wasn't

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and Economics but Political Theory.

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I acquired a copy of the Constitution of Liberty soon after.

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By the end of the summer, after I graduated from high school, ignoring the sightseeing

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opportunities on a European trip, I'd finished Shea and Wilson's Illuminatus, and soon after

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I'd read Atlas Shrugged.

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Chartier never warmed Turan's work, however.

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He reports today that it didn't engage me emotionally, intellectually and imaginatively

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as Shea and Wilson, Rothbard and Hayek did.

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Looking back on my thinking in late adolescence, I'm struck by how much I imbibed from Rothbard

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even as I disagreed with him about some things.

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I don't detect the same kind of influence on Rand's part.

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Chartier's reading didn't stop now that he'd graduated from high school, however.

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He recalls now that within the first four months of my first regular college quarter, I was

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still thinking libertarian thoughts.

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I'd been reading in and around multiple rand books, including Capitalism, the Unknown Ideal,

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Philosophy Who Needs It, An Introduction to Objectivist Epistemology, and Anthem.

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I'd apparently even checked James J. Martin's Men Against the State out of the university

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library.

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When I borrowed and read it in 2008, I discovered that the last person to check it out had been

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me, in 1984.

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But Chartier's love affair with libertarianism was about to end.

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It didn't really survive his undergraduate years, before it foundered on the shoals of

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his compassion.

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As he wrote years later, his downfall was a set of encounters with a number of authors,

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both Christian and secular, who placed great emphasis on negative responsibility, the notion

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that we are as responsible for events that occur as a result of our omissions, whether

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or not intended, as we are for events that occur as a result of our deliberate acts.

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It wasn't long before Chartier found himself confronting an impossible dilemma.

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Given other things I believed, he wrote, it seemed as if I was committed to believing that when I failed to provide resources to a poor person anywhere in the world, I was responsible for any harm she or he underwent, if the money I could have given her would likely have prevented it.

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Whenever someone died because I hadn't given her or him money, I was, on this view, a murderer.

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I was overwhelmed at the thought that I was responsible for everyone, for everything,

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that any time I wanted to spend money on myself, I would need to justify doing so in a way that made

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clear how the expenditure represented a net benefit to the world's poor. It's fair to say that this

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way of thinking was what pushed me over the edge into full-blown statism. If the state got involved

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Shartier finished up college majoring in history and political science, then went on to do

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do graduate work in Claremont, California and Cambridge, England, winding up with a

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Ph.D. in theology from Cambridge. Back in Southern California in the early 90s, he did

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a bit of adjunct teaching and served for a spell as editor of a small newspaper. He wrote

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scholarly articles for academic journals. He wrote newspaper editorials on public issues

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and controversies of the day. In all his writing at that time, he says now, he took the authority

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of the State for granted.

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In retrospect, he adds, I find this odd.

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I certainly knew that standard liberal defenses of state authority were unsuccessful.

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Was I willing to treat state authority as rooted in some kind of sacred mandate?

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But my theological position certainly didn't allow for arbitrary divine fiats to empower

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kings or presidents.

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It could be, Chartier speculates, that I identified reflexively with members of the political

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class, assumed that what I was doing was designed to guide them, and simply treated the institutions

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they oversaw as givens because I had instinctively adopted their point of view and wanted to

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be one of them.

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I'm still not sure.

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I'm quite sure it was not because I'd given any serious thought to justifying state authority.

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His confidence in state authority eroded rapidly in the first years of the new century, however,

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when he was finishing up his law degree at UCLA and George W. Bush was living in the White

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House.

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And by the time it had become clear that Barack Obama, whatever his campaign rhetoric might

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have seemed to imply, was in fact perfectly happy, as Chartier puts it, to be serving

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George W. Bush's third term.

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Well, by then, Chartier had long since concluded that he had been duped, or perhaps even had

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duped himself.

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I had opted for statism over anarchism without thinking clearly, he says today.

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I had operated reflexively on the assumption that a stateless society wouldn't be able

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So, after most of two decades as a statist, Gary Chartier is back among us.

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And characteristically, he's putting himself forward for some of the most ambitious among

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the jobs that need doing.

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He's volunteering for the heavy lifting, you might say.

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He's young, vigorous, energetic and newly committed to the cause.

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In evidence, I offer his latest book, The Conscience of an Anarchist, why it's time

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to say goodbye to the state and build a free society.

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This is a general introduction to libertarianism for a reader who is either entirely ignorant

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of the subject or in possession of only limited information regarding it.

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And it is high time, I say, that someone has published a new volume in that category.

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The last such general introduction that seems to have made any lasting impression was Mary

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Ruert's Healing Our World, and that first came out nearly 20 years ago, in 1992.

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It is, as I say, high time that a new contender should enter the field.

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It is useful to think about this, I believe, in the same way that we think about much revisionist

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History.

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The American historian Warren I. Cohen said back in 1967 that every generation of historians

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tends to give new interpretations to the past.

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Another American historian, Richard Hofstadter, echoed this theme in 1968 when he wrote in

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his book The Progressive Historians about what he called that perennial battle we wage

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with our elders.

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As Hofstadter saw it, if we are to have any new thoughts, if we are to have an intellectual

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identity of our own, we must make the effort to distinguish ourselves from those who preceded

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us, and perhaps preeminently from those to whom we once had the greatest indebtedness.

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Similarly, every generation of libertarians will tend to come up with a slightly different

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way of introducing the subject of individual liberty to outsiders.

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One generation's libertarian primer will differ from the preceding generations, and

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from the following generations.

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This is as it should be, as it must be.

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If we are to have any new thoughts, if we are to have an intellectual identity of our

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own, we must make the effort to distinguish ourselves from those who preceded us, and

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and perhaps preeminently from those to whom we once had the greatest indebtedness.

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So how does Gary Chartier's new libertarian primer distinguish itself?

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Well, first of all, it entirely eschews the word libertarian, the L-word, I guess you

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could call it.

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Look as you might through Chartier's text, you'll find not a single occurrence anywhere

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I really want this book to reach an audience of people for whom the word libertarian might

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The readers for whom the word libertarian might be a red flag, I asked Chartier, might these

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I would hope that this book would be of interest to frustrated constitutionalists and other

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folks who might think of themselves on the right, but I definitely wanted it to be a

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book that was accessible and comprehensible to the sort of principled status lefty who

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was increasingly frustrated with the Obama administration and wondered if there were

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alternatives.

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I chose my words, I hope, pretty carefully to not unnecessarily turn off that group of

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readers.

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The other way in which Chartier's conscience of an anarchist distinguishes itself is by eschewing all moral arguments for a free society.

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I've never been a consequentialist, Chartier wrote a couple of years ago in a blog post, but in fact his argument in the conscience of an anarchist is entirely consequentialist.

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The state should be abolished because of the consequences of tolerating such an institution in human society.

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Chartier stresses, however, that his reliance on a consequentialist argument on this occasion is purely strategic.

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It does not signal, he says, any general unwillingness on his part to argue for liberty from a natural rights perspective.

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Not in this book, no. I'm prepared to argue that at some length elsewhere, but it's definitely not, from a strategic point of view, what I want to argue here.

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Not because I want to argue against certain kinds of natural rights approaches.

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One of my ongoing academic interests is natural law theory and I work quite a bit in that area.

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But it seemed to me that for this book, that wasn't the most effective rhetorical tact to take.

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What I particularly didn't want to do in this book, so I certainly didn't want to scare off the principled status lefties,

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I also wanted this to be a book that anarchists of a pretty broad range of sorts could pick

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up and appreciate without thinking that by endorsing the book they were endorsing a particular

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position on the question what should a stateless society look like.

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I would like somebody who identifies with Kropotkin or Proudhon to pick up this book and say all

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of this seems right to me.

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Now I know this guy and I might well end up having an argument about what we'd want our

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stateless community to look like, but the substance of the book doesn't amount to a broadside

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against me.

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You know, I think that was pretty important to me in trying to shape the book.

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Not that there's anything new or original about avoiding moral arguments for liberty.

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This was the approach of David Friedman in The Machinery of Freedom in 1973.

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Or is there anything revolutionary about trying to sell libertarian ideas without using the

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L-word?

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Cy Leon gave a talk at the Libertarian Supper Club of Los Angeles back in the mid-1970s,

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more than 35 years ago, when Gary Chartier was maybe 8 years old.

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The talk was called, Why I Am Not a Libertarian.

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This was enough in and of itself to draw a sizable audience.

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After all, Cy Leon was Robert Lefebvre's heir apparent, a former Nathaniel Brandon Institute

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business representative who had joined Lefebvre at his freedom school in rural Colorado and

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then helped him move the operation to Southern California and reestablish it there.

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Cy Leon was the organizer of the League of Non-Voters and at least the putative author

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of a short book called None of the Above, which argued that if we must have elections,

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we ought to include none of the above on every ballot.

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And whenever none of the above wins, a new election would have to be held with new candidates.

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None of the candidates who had lost to none of the above would be allowed to run again.

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The book had actually been ghostwritten for Psy by George H. Smith, but it was an accurate

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account of Psy's thinking for all that.

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Psy Leon was also Harry Brown's advanceman, the man who set up Brown's speaking engagements

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nationwide, and Brown himself was about the most famous libertarian you could come up

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with in the Los Angeles of the mid-1970s.

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He was a local boy who had made good, more than good, really, with a best-selling libertarian

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book called How I Found Freedom in an Unfree World.

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How could Cy Leon not be a libertarian?

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Cy's beef, as it turned out, was the libertarian party, which he feared was going to teach

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Americans that libertarians believed in the political process.

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Clearly, the term libertarian was going to have to be abandoned, as the term liberal

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had had to be abandoned earlier.

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Both terms had been hijacked by the enemies of individual liberty and were no longer usable.

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That was one man's judgment, a judgment made at a particular time and place, when a particular

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generation of libertarians was facing particular obstacles in its efforts to spread the word.

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The idea of abandoning the L-word didn't really catch on with the generation of libertarians

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it was aimed at, which happens to be my own generation of libertarians.

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Will more of the libertarians now in their teens and twenties see the matter differently?

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Time will tell.

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Time will also tell whether the young libertarians of today will find Chartier's consequentialist

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arguments against the state persuasive.

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They certainly seem so to me.

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I'm an anarchist, Chartier writes, because I believe there's no natural right to rule,

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because I believe the state lacks legitimacy, because I believe the state is unnecessary,

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Because the state tips the scales in favor of privileged elites and against ordinary

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people.

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Because the state tends to be destructive.

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It engages in war and plunder, and seems persistently to be involved in ratcheting up the level

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of violence and injustice across borders, which are, of course, themselves, state creations.

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Because the state restricts personal freedom as a way of maintaining order, benefiting

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There's nothing new here, of course.

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But the familiar insights and arguments are freshly formulated in a breezy, snappy, very

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readable style and with an admirable succinctness.

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Murray Rothbard's For a New Liberty and David Friedman's The Machinery of Freedom were

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the libertarian primers, the general introductions to libertarianism that captured the attention

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of my generation of libertarians.

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Students who are now in their teens and twenties could do far worse than to let their own

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attention be captured by Gary Chartier's conscience of an anarchist.

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This is Jeff Rigenbach.
