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NOTE John T. Flynn: Revisionist Journalist

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The Ludwig von Mises Institute presents The Libertarian Tradition, an audio series with Jeff Rigenbach.

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To say, as I did last week, that John T. Flynn was a liberal does not really explain why he is important to modern libertarians.

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Flynn, the American journalist who lived from 1882 to 1964, was a liberal all right,

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Right, but so were lots of other people in that period.

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In fact, during the 1920s and 30s, when Flynn first began to build a national reputation

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as a journalist, classical liberals arguably dominated the mainstream print media in this

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country.

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Nearly all the major intellectual journalists and opinion leaders in the American public

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prints of the time were broadly libertarian in their thinking.

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There was H. L. Mencken, syndicated newspaper columnist and editor of the Smart Set and

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the American Mercury.

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There was Albert J. Nock, editor of the Freeman and regular contributor to the American Mercury,

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the Atlantic Monthly and Harper's.

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There was Garrett Garrett of the Saturday Evening Post.

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There was Isabel Patterson of the New York Herald Tribune.

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There was Henry Hazlitt of the American Mercury, the New York Times and, a little later, Newsweek.

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There was Felix Morley of the Baltimore Sun and the Washington Post.

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There was Rose Wilder Lane, one of the most prolific American freelancers, with articles

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in Harper's, the Lady's Home Journal, the Saturday Evening Post, and Woman's Day, and

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a steady stream of books, including, a little later, the individualist classic The Discovery

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of Freedom, in the nation's bookstores.

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No espousal of classical liberalism in the years between the World Wars was no novelty.

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It was familiar enough to anybody who read the major periodicals of the time.

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For a journalist who flourished in that part of the 20th century to still be considered

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an important figure by libertarians 80 years later, that journalist has to have accomplished

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something considerably more noteworthy than merely being a liberal.

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The same might be said of other sorts of intellectuals, and of scholars too.

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And for that matter it can and should be said of intellectuals and scholars who were anarchists.

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Simply having been an anarchist is no reason to be remembered with interest many decades

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later by contemporary libertarians either.

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But for the sake of simplicity, let's confine our case at the moment to classical liberals.

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The reason Ludwig von Mises is remembered so well today, the reason his intellectual reputation

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is even larger today than it ever was during his lifetime, the reason it grows larger and

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more influential with every passing year, is not that Mises was a liberal.

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It's that, once one has read him, one finds it difficult to imagine how coherent thought

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about the Social Sciences, Economics, History or Philosophy could even take place in the

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absence of having read him, without his work as the foundation for one's further thought

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on these matters.

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Mises has literally taught us how to think about these subjects.

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He has provided us with the most logical and rigorous explanation of why liberalism was

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Similarly, the reason Friedrich August von Hayek is remembered so well today, the reason

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his intellectual reputation is even larger today than it ever was during his lifetime,

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the reason it grows larger and more influential with each passing year, is not that Hayek

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Ludwig was a liberal, but rather that he provided a phenomenally clear and luminous and usable

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understanding of how human society works, of how freedom works.

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His ideas about spontaneous order and the use of knowledge in society are far more important

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than his stands on particular policy questions of his era.

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Mises' ideas about praxeology and the ways in which market prices convey information

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to Buyers and Sellers are far more important than his stance on particular policy questions

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of the same era.

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So it is, too, with John T. Flynn.

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But to understand why Flynn should be important to modern libertarians, one must also understand

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a couple of fundamental truths about journalism.

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The first of these fundamental truths is that the term journalism has traditionally referred

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not just to so-called hard news reporting, but to all periodical writing about new or

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recent events in any department of human activity.

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Editorial writers, op-ed writers, book reviewers, columnists, all these people are just as much

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journalists as the reporters who write the government-glorifying drivel that fills the

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national and local news sections of most papers.

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If you think of journalists as a kind of historian, you might say that the editorial writers,

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op-ed writers, book reviewers and columnists are like the historians who stand back from

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the detailed particular picture of a specific event or era and reflect instead on the bigger

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picture, the wider context into which the specific event or era under study must be

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fitted in order to be fully comprehended.

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Such a historian was the great revisionist Harry Elmer Barnes, who was also, it is worth

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remembering, a newspaper man.

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And the kind of newspaper man he was, was an editorial writer, columnist and book reviewer.

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Nor is this comparison between journalists and historians at all far-fetched.

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Ask the shade of Philip L. Graham, who was president and publisher of the Washington

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and Post when he stated in 1953 that journalists write 365 days a year the first rough draft

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of history.

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In fact, that's the second fundamental truth about journalism we have to grasp if we want

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to understand the importance for contemporary libertarians of the liberal journalist John

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T. Flynn.

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Journalists are just historians in a hurry.

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And just as there are revisionist historians, historians who attempt to revise our understanding

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of the historical record, so there are revisionist journalists, journalists who, while events

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are taking place, insist on an alternative understanding of those events, an understanding

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that flies in the face of the conventional wisdom of the time.

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John T. Flynn was, if not the very first, then one of the very first few of the revisionist

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journalists to write about the New Deal, focusing on both its domestic and its foreign policies.

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He represents, therefore, the beginning of historical revisionism where the New Deal

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is concerned, and if any historical event fairly cries out for revisionist treatment,

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it is the New Deal.

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The myth of the New Deal, assiduously promoted by the state and its court historians, is

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that it was a triumph of liberalism, that by further curbing and cushioning the supposed

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excesses of capitalism, brought the American dream within reach of more Americans than

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ever before, and brought what Franklin Roosevelt called the Four Freedoms, freedom of speech

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The truth is far otherwise.

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The truth is that the New Deal was what the revisionist historian Gabriel Kolko called

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a triumph of conservatism.

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Kolko used that phrase as the title of a seminal 1963 book in which he showed that the wave

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of federal regulation of business that came in with the progressive era in the early years

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of the 20th Century was in fact spearheaded by large corporations, which wanted the regulations

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to put smaller competitors out of business and enable the large corporations to enjoy

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a large, virtually guaranteed market share without having to take the trouble to compete

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in order to get it.

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In many cases, Kolko showed, the big corporations that lobbied for these new regulations actually

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wrote the regulations that were eventually adopted.

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This was a triumph of conservatism because it was the political conservatives of the

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time, Republicans like Teddy Roosevelt, who made sure the corporations got their way.

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Just as the original European conservatives championed policies designed to benefit the

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aristocracy, so these early 20th century American conservatives championed policies designed

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The New Deal, of course, was nothing more than another collection of these same conservative policies of intervention, economic intervention at home and political and military intervention abroad.

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The Democrat Woodrow Wilson had adopted these conservative Republican policies during World War I.

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Now another Democrat, Franklin Roosevelt, had adopted them in the face of the Great Depression.

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FDR, however, did introduce something new into the by-now somewhat old and tiresome routine.

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These policies, FDR proclaimed, were actually liberal policies.

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And that proclamation made John T. Flynn mad as a hornet.

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It would seem to be something small like a hornet that would be the right sort of thing to refer to in describing John T. Flynn.

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For according to his biographer, John E. Moser, Flynn was a small man who stood under 5 feet 10 inches and weighed under 150 pounds.

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But, like a hornet, he had a hot temper and was quick to take umbrage at personal slights.

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It was not infrequent for those observing him an argument to become alarmed by the sight of his red face and bulging veins,

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but any observer who expressed concern for Flynn's health at such times would quickly discover that remarks about high blood pressure served only to make him angrier.

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Moreover, he could hold a grudge for years.

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He certainly held a grudge against Franklin Roosevelt for years for pushing the policies he

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pushed and then having the gall to call himself a liberal. Moser reports that Flynn wrote to New

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Deal lawyer Jerome Frank in 1940, I see the standard of liberalism that I have followed all

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my life, flying over a group of causes which, as a liberal, along with all liberals, I have abhorred

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and all my life.

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In that same year he wrote to his editor at the New Republic that he, Flynn, was a liberal

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writer who is saying now the same thing he said five years ago and ten years ago, who

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is opposed to third terms for presidents, to warmongering and militarism and conscription,

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and corrupt political machines and vast public debt.

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I held these views before Roosevelt was president, and I have now lost my liberal credentials

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because I do not agree with the New York Times, the Herald Tribune, Mr. Harry Stimson, Mr.

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Franklin Roosevelt and Wendell Willkie about the war.

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Two years earlier, in 1938, Flynn had expressed his wonderment in a column in the New Republic

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that the policies of the New Deal, including what he saw as its transparent efforts to

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It's easy from the vantage point of 75 years later to understand Flynn's dismay.

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He was earlier than most to realize that, as he put it, the New Deal was a form of conservatism

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dressed up as liberalism.

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He was earlier than most liberals to realize that while, as Moser puts it, the president

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had posed as one of them, all they could really expect from him were what Flynn himself called

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sweet words with no meaning behind them.

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Flynn poured out his outrage and scorn in a series of newspaper columns and magazine

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articles that later formed the foundation for his two great books of the 1940s.

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As We Go Marching, which came out in 1944, was, according to the historian Ronald Radosh,

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Flynn's most important representative and analytical work, the most informed and perceptive

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of all his books.

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Under the New Deal, Flynn believed, the United States was little by little adopting first

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one and then another policy that is beginning to make us look more like a national socialist

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government than a democracy.

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Among these policies, he argued, was the organization of the economic society as a planned economy

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under the supervision of the state, though the American version of this policy did owe

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more to the fascist government of Italy under Mussolini than to the National Socialists

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of Germany under Adolf Hitler.

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Fascism, as implemented by Mussolini, Flynn wrote, was a scheme in which the government

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accepts responsibility to make the economic system work at full energy, using the device

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of state-created purchasing power effected by means of government borrowing and spending.

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And unsurprisingly, at least to Flynn, having incorporated the principle of state-created

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purchasing power into his system, it wasn't long before Mussolini turned naturally to

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to the old reliable project of militarism as the easiest means of spending money.

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It is scarcely necessary to dwell on this since our newspaper files are well supplied with

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statements of returning American travelers since 1935 telling, some with an accent of

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approval, how Mussolini has solved the problem of unemployment in Italy by means of expenditures

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on national defense.

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Some of our own high officials have found occasion to comment on this fact, contrasting

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his accomplishment with our own failure to put our people to work.

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Money was spent on highways, schools, public projects of various kinds, and on the draining

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of the pontine marshes, which became in Italy the great exhibition project, not unlike our

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TVA in America.

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But this was not enough, and so he turned more and more to military expenditures.

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According to Ronald Radosh, Flynn believed that despite many differences in the character,

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customs, laws, traditions, resources of the people of Italy, Germany and America, we have

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been drifting along identical courses and under the influence of the same essential

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forces.

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Flynn warned the readers of As We Go Marching that there were homegrown fascists, American

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fascists already living among them.

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If you want to figure out who they are, Flynn wrote, look for the people who urge for America

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the debt-supported state, the state bent on the socialization of investment and the bureaucratic

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government of industry and society, the establishment of the institution of militarism as the great

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Glamorous Public Works Project of the Nation and the Institution of Imperialism under which

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it proposes to regulate and rule the world.

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If they wanted to identify the American fascists, Flynn told his readers, they should look for

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the people who wish to commit this country to the rule of the bureaucratic state, interfering

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in the affairs of the states and cities, taking part in the management of industry and finance

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and Agriculture, assuming the role of great national banker and investor, borrowing billions

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every year and spending them on all sorts of projects through which such a government

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can paralyze opposition and command public support, marshaling great armies and navies

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at crushing costs to support the industry of war and preparation for war, which will

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become our greatest industry.

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And adding to all this, the most romantic adventures in global planning, regeneration

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and domination, all to be done under the authority of a powerfully centralized government in

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which the executive will hold in effect all the powers, with Congress reduced to the role

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of a debating society.

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There is your fascist.

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Flynn's other great book of the 40s was called The Roosevelt Myth.

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It took a detailed and critical look at the career of FDR, the man who gave us the New

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Deal, and convinced most of us that it was a collection of liberal programs.

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In 1998, in his introduction to the 50th anniversary edition of the Roosevelt myth, Ralph Rakow

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said it remains the major debunking of Franklin Roosevelt, and called it merciless in exposing

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Roosevelt as a failure, a liar, and a fraud.

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As Flynn himself put it in the pages of the Roosevelt myth, Hitler and Mussolini were

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made to seem as brave, as strong, as wise and noble to the people of Germany and Italy

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as Roosevelt was seen here.

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Hitler was not pictured to the people of Germany as he was presented here.

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He was exhibited in noble proportions, and with most of those heroic virtues which were

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were attributed to Roosevelt here and to Mussolini in Italy and, of course, to Stalin in Russia.

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I do not compare Roosevelt to Hitler.

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I merely insist that the picture of Roosevelt sold to our people and which still lingers

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upon the screen of their imaginations was an utterly false picture, was the work of

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false propaganda, and that among the evils against which America must protect herself,

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One of the most destructive is the evil of modern propaganda techniques applied to the

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problem of government.

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If today we enjoy the services of numerous revisionist writers, all of them bent on correcting

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the public record as to the activities of the U.S. government during and after the New

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Deal, we owe no small thanks for this fact.

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To John T. Flynn.

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This is Jeff Rigenbach.
