WEBVTT

NOTE Libertarian Science Fiction II

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The Ludwig von Mises Institute presents The Libertarian Tradition, an audio series with

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Jeff Rigenbach.

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This podcast is about four writers, none of whom was a libertarian, but each of whom wrote

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something back in the 1960s that made a significant contribution to the libertarian tradition.

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The first of the four was a science fiction writer, though only occasionally.

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He was born 94 years ago last week, on February 25, 1917, in suburban Manchester, England.

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His name at birth was John Burgess Wilson.

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His family was Roman Catholic, which at that time virtually guaranteed that he would be

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confirmed in the church at the age of about seven.

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He had, therefore, already come to be known as Jack Wilson, when in the mid-1920s he was,

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as he puts it in his autobiography, confirmed in the name of St. Anthony.

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This made him John Anthony Burgess Wilson, from the time of his confirmation onward,

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and gave him the pen name under which he would eventually become famous.

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Anthony Burgess, or just Burgess, as I shall call him from now on, was the son of a musician

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Man who drifted from playing piano in movie theaters as accompaniment for silent films,

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to playing piano in pubs, to owning and running his own pub.

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He wound up a tobacconist.

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His son shared his love of music, and wanted to study music at the University of Manchester,

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but was not accepted to the program because of his mediocre secondary school grades in

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physics.

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So, he majored in English instead.

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After graduating in 1940, he spent six years in the Army during and just after World War

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II, then put in six more years as a literature instructor at various English secondary schools.

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By now it was 1954. Burgess was 37 years old, and he wasn't earning enough money teaching

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school. He had decided to try his hand at a couple of novels, but when one of the publishers,

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to whom he had submitted one of these novels, wrote to him, requesting that he come to their

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London offices to discuss his manuscript.

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He found he was too broke to travel the 75 miles he would have had to travel to keep

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such an appointment.

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As he put it in his autobiography, I was in debt to the grocer and overdrawn at the bank.

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I could not afford a return train ticket from Banbury to London.

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In the end, he did find a way to make the trip, but his novel was rejected anyway, not

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only by the publisher that had asked for the meeting, but by every publisher that looked

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at it. The other novel fared no better. On the other hand, the British Colonial Service

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had offered him a job as a teacher and educational administrator in Malaya. He took it, and spent

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the next five years in the Far East. It was there that he became a published novelist,

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is there that he first publicly called himself Anthony Burgess.

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As he wrote years later in his autobiography,

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When I published my first novel, I was forced to do so in near disguise.

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I was an official of the Colonial Office at the time,

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and it was regarded as improper to publish fiction under one's own name.

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By the time he returned to England in 1959, Burgess was 42 years old,

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published no fewer than three novels under his newly assumed name.

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The problem was not only that he had got off to something of a late start in his new career

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as a novelist, but also that his prospects were not particularly good.

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Just before leaving Southeast Asia, he had collapsed in his classroom on the island of

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Borneo and had been rushed to a local hospital where he was diagnosed with an inoperable

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A Jus d'esprit is, of course, a literary display of wit or cleverness, usually short, from the French for play of spirit.

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The title of this particular jus d'esprit was A Clockwork Orange.

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It was published in 1962, when its author was 45 years old.

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A Clockwork Orange is the story of Alex, a juvenile delinquent in a fairly near future

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London.

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Alex skips school and sleeps all day, then goes out in the evening to get his jollies

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committing acts of what he calls ultraviolence, assault and battery, rape, murder.

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He is apprehended by the authorities and subjected to the latest brainwashing technology, which

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renders him incapable of even witnessing, much less engaging in, acts of any sort of

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violence without suffering extreme discomfort and nausea.

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When he is released into the outside world again, he commits no more acts of ultraviolence.

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But he is also unable to defend himself when hoodlums and thugs who haven't yet been reprogrammed,

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including some of his own former associates in crime make him their victim.

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In despair he attempts suicide but is rescued by political activists who are organizing

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against the government program to brainwash violent criminals.

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These activists use Alex to promote their cause.

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They create a public scandal and arrange to have his brainwashing reversed.

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He thereupon immediately resumes his old ultra-violent ways.

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A clockwork orange is not an easy book to read, and I don't mean because of the ultraviolence,

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though that is pretty sickening, certainly.

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What I mean when I say it's not easy to read is something about the language in which it's

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written.

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Alex tells his own story in the first person, speaking directly to the reader, and the English

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he speaks is not the English we're used to hearing spoken, the English we're used to

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reading between the covers of books.

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It incorporates the teenage slang of Alex's time, as well as words borrowed or adapted

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from Russian.

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Reading it is a bit like reading Shakespeare for the first time.

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Obscure at first, but you get the hang of it within 10 or 20 pages.

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Like Elizabethan English, Alex's English is basically modern English with some unfamiliar

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words mixed in.

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Once you've picked up those words, you're home free.

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This does not have an unusually large vocabulary.

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Despite the difficulties Burgess's short novel posed for the unwary reader, however,

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it enjoyed considerable success in the marketplace even before Stanley Kubrick's 1971 film version

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of the story made it virtually a household word throughout the English-speaking world.

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That same film made Burgess a rich man and forced his departure from England, first for

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Italy, then for Monaco.

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He was forced to depart, that is, unless he chose to pay the high tax bill that would

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have been presented to him by British authorities.

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Like most of us, Anthony Burgess could summon little enthusiasm for taxes.

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I know of no reason to suspect, however, that he opposed taxes in principle, that he was,

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in any meaningful sense, a libertarian.

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He did write on non-political subjects for inquiry, the Libertarian Opinion magazine

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Published back in the late 1970s and early 1980s, first by the Cato Institute, then

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by the Libertarian Review Foundation, but that seems to have been the extent of his

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connection with the libertarian movement.

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On the other hand, his most famous book is an unmistakably libertarian utterance.

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As Burgess himself paraphrased it nearly 25 years after the original publication of A

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A Clockwork Orange A human being is endowed with free will.

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He can use this to choose between good and evil.

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If he can only perform good or only perform evil, then he is a clockwork orange, meaning

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that he has the appearance of an organism lovely with color and juice, but is in fact

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only a clockwork toy to be wound up by God or the devil, or, since this is increasingly

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Replacing Both, The Almighty State.

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A clockwork orange was intended in part as entertainment of a kind, Burgess acknowledged,

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but he wrote, the book does also have a moral lesson, and it is the weary traditional one

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of the fundamental importance of moral choice.

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Alex loses his own power of moral choice because of brainwashing technology, but the novel

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is not really just about the dangers of brainwashing.

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On a more abstract, symbolic level, it is about any method the state uses to limit or

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defeat the right of the individual to choose.

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The Libertarian Futurist Society saw to the heart of the matter when, in 2008, it presented

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its Prometheus Hall of Fame Award for Classic Works of Libertarian Fiction to A Clockwork

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Orange.

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No comparable recognition has ever been extended by any libertarian institution I know of to

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of the American writer Philip K. Dick, yet in many ways Dick is quite comparable to Burgess.

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Like Burgess, he never gave anyone any reason to think he was a libertarian.

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Like Burgess, he buried all such evidence in his fiction.

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The big difference between the two writers is that while Burgess wrote one unmistakably

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libertarian novel, and nothing else that was even remotely libertarian, or even remotely

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and Political, Dick scattered his own equally unmistakable libertarian inclinations across

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perhaps as many as a dozen novels published during the 1960s and 70s.

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Most of the best-known of Dick's novels, like most of Anthony Burgess's novels, don't concern

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themselves with politics at all.

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Any libertarianism that may be in novels like The Man in the High Castle or Eubic is in

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In the background, the foreground in Dick's best-known novels depicts action that is fraught

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more with psychological or metaphysical or epistemological concerns than with political

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ones.

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But during the 1960s, Dick wrote some more explicitly political science fiction.

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Think for example of The Zap Gun, first published in 1967, in which American society is divided

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into two classes, the pure saps, who believe that the Federal Government of the United

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States is protecting them from harm by designing and building ever bigger and scarier weapons

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systems, and the cogs, who understand, that is, are cognizant of, the truth, which is

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that none of these advanced weapons actually work, except in filmed simulations.

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Both major powers are in on the fraud, which they perpetrate in order to prop up a permanent

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Cold War economy.

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Or think of The Penultimate Truth from three years earlier in 1964.

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In this novel, most of Earth's population lives underground, hiding from a thermonuclear

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war they believe is raging on the surface, being fought by robots made in underground

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factories.

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In fact, there is no war.

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It is a fiction maintained by a small elite which lives on the surface of the planet in

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palatial estates and devotes itself mainly to personal pleasure.

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To make sure their racket continues, the members of the elite also devote some time to programming

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an android politician they call Yancey.

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Yancey keeps the underground masses properly stirred up and misinformed.

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His task is not all that difficult, of course, for, as Douglas A. Mackey puts it in his

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1988 book on Dick's Life and Work, they want to be misled, they cannot accept the truth,

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and the leaders give them what they want, the illusion that war is necessary and inevitable.

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Mackey also notes that Joe Fernright, the main character in Galactic Pot Healer, first

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published in 1969, lives at the beginning of the novel in an oppressive future dystopia

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where policemen stop people for walking too slowly, all phone calls are monitored and

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everyone is programmed to have a common dream every night.

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Mackey calls this society the ultimate communist denial of personal consciousness.

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Philip K. Dick was born in Chicago on December 16, 1928, the son of a Federal bureaucrat.

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He grew up in the Windy City, in Washington, D.C., and in the San Francisco Bay Area, where

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his mother took him to live after she and her husband divorced.

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Dick graduated from Berkeley High School in 1947 and enrolled at the University of California,

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but quit very quickly when he discovered that all male students at the University were required

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to take ROTC.

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He had developed an interest in classical music when very young, and by the time he

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was in high school had become something of an authority on the subject.

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He worked in record shops until, in 1952, at the age of 23, having published a few short

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stories in pulp science fiction magazines, he decided to try his hand at writing full-time.

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He wrote full-time for the next 30 years, publishing 36 novels, 121 short stories,

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and 14 short story collections during those three decades.

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He died of a stroke 29 years ago this week, on March 2, 1982, in Santa Ana, California.

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He was 53 years old.

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I've mentioned three of Dick's novels from the 1960s, which seemed to me to include broadly

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Libertarian Attitudes and Ideas.

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Consider a fourth.

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The Simulacra was published in 1964.

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It is probably the most explicitly political novel Dick ever wrote.

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It depicts a future America now merged with Europe and ruled by a one-party state that

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is controlled in turn by a council made up of the owners and directors of a group of

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giant commercial cartels.

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There is an election every four years, but the winning candidate is always a simulacrum,

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an animated life-sized doll, an android, completely under the control of the council.

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To judge by reports in the mass media, the real power in the U.S.E.A., the United States

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of Europe and America, is wielded by the First Lady, Nicole Thibodeau, who always remains

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and The First Lady, regardless of who may be elected every four years.

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But in fact, Nicole is only the latest in a long series of actresses who have played

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this part in the national media, helping the cartels to keep the wool pulled securely over

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the eyes of the citizenry.

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In brief, the simulacra, like a number of other Philip K. Dick novels, portrays a world

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A world in which government is evil, duplicitous and bent on concealing the truth from the

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public.

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Or, as Douglas Mackey puts it, the world of Philip K. Dick's political novels is one

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in which the way society appears to be structured is a complete fake, and media manipulation

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conceals the real centers of power.

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It seems to me you could pick up some pretty libertarian attitudes from reading Dick.

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Ayn Rand has been called the gateway drug for those who are destined to become addicted

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to libertarianism, but it seems to me the more explicitly political novels of Philip

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K. Dick could serve much the same purpose.

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And just as Ayn Rand's great libertarian novel Atlas Shrugged presents an extraordinarily

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accurate picture of the fascist policies actually pursued by the US government, so Dick's libertarian

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or quasi-libertarian fiction presents an extraordinarily accurate picture of the actual nature of government

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and the mass media in American society.

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Anyone who doubts this should consult a couple of non-fiction books published back in the

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1960s, books written at around the same time Dick was writing his novels.

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The first of these two books is Who Rules America by G. William Domhoff, a professor

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Professor of Psychology and Sociology at the University of California at Santa Cruz

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Who Rules America was originally published in 1967 when its author was in his early thirties.

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Though Domhoff was not and is not a libertarian, his book had quite an impact on a number of

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people who became involved in the libertarian movement during and just before the 1970s.

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So did the second nonfiction book I have in mind, Tragedy and Hope, A History of the World

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in Our Time, by Carol Quigley, an American historian with a Harvard Ph.D. who taught

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at both Princeton and Harvard before spending the last 35 years of his life at the Georgetown

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University School of Foreign Service in Washington.

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In effect, Quigley's book, which was first published in 1966, provides the historical

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background of the ruling elite Domhoff was to discuss a year later from the point of

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view of an investigating sociologist.

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Quigley's book also explains why the federal government of the United States of Europe

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and America in Philip K. Dick's novel The Simulacra is a one-party state, and why those

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Those who still believe at this late date that there is any significant difference between

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Republicans and Democrats are indulging themselves in childish fantasy.

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As Quigley put it, the argument that the two parties should represent opposed ideals and

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policies, one perhaps of the right and the other of the left, is a foolish idea, acceptable

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only to the doctrinaire and academic thinkers.

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Instead, the two parties should be almost identical, so that the American people can

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throw the rascals out at any election without leading to any profound or extreme shifts

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in policy.

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Either party in office becomes in time corrupt, tired, unenterprising and vigourless.

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Then it should be possible to replace it, every four years if necessary, by the other

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Policy, which will be none of these things, but will still pursue, with new vigor, approximately

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the same basic policies.

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No, Quigley wasn't a libertarian either.

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He basically accepted the wisdom of rule by a self-appointed cabal of moneyed interests.

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He only believed the activities of this ruling elite ought to be out in the open, rather

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than concealed.

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And his book has exercised great influence over libertarians, just as G. William Domhoff's

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book has, and for the same reasons.

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This is Jeff Rigenbach.
