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NOTE Mohandas K. Gandhi (1869–1948)

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The Ludwig von Mises Institute presents The Libertarian Tradition, an audio series with Jeff Rigenbach.

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Mohandas K. Gandhi was born October 2, 1869 in Porbunder, a port town in western India on the shores of the Arabian Sea.

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His father was a high-ranking official in the government of the small principality

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that nominally ruled the immediate area. In effect, the elder Gandhi reported to the local

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princes and they in turn reported to the local British officials who really ran things. The

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younger Gandhi was interested in a medical career, but he abandoned that idea in favor of pleasing

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his parents, showing his humility and obedience, and carrying on family traditions. In 1888,

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At the age of 18, he moved to London to study law. He returned to India three years later,

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only to discover that he was unable to earn a decent living as an attorney, at least in his

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own country. After his attempts to establish a private practice in Bombay failed, he took

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up residence in Porbunder once again, working under the supervision of well-established lawyers,

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doing what we would describe today as the work of a paralegal.

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By the spring of 1893, 23 years old and apparently unable to support himself in the profession he had only entered in the first place in order to satisfy his relatives,

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he found himself forced by economic realities to accept a position in the legal department of an Indian company in the city of Durban on the eastern seacoast of South Africa, yet another part of the British Empire.

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Up to this time in his life, Mohandas Gandhi had been a model of self-effacing cooperativeness.

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As his biographer, the late B. R. Nanda, put it, he had so far not been conspicuous for self-assertion

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or aggressiveness. Gandhi himself, much later in life, observed that he had been brought up to

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carry out the orders of the elders, not to scan them. And he did not scan them. He carried them

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come out, uncomplainingly and faithfully.

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Nor did the young Mohandas Gandhi betray even the slightest interest in politics and public events.

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Nanda put it this way.

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Until the age of 18, Gandhi had hardly ever read a newspaper.

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Neither as a student in England nor as a budding barrister in India had he evinced much interest

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in politics.

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Indeed, he was overcome by a terrifying stage fright whenever he stood up to read a speech

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All those who had made his acquaintance during his early years in India and England disappeared

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after the move to South Africa and was never seen again.

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He was replaced by a Gandhi made of sterner stuff, a Gandhi who had had his fill of living

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as a doormat for other human beings, a Gandhi who would rise up with a vengeance against

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anyone who dared to employ force against him.

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The name's a few of the indignities forced upon Gandhi shortly after his arrival by South

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African laws mandating second-class treatment for people who qualified as colored.

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One day, while traveling to Pretoria, he was unceremoniously thrown out of a first-class

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railway compartment for which he had paid, and left shivering and brooding at Peter Maritzberg

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station.

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In the further course of the journey, he was beaten up by the white driver of a stagecoach

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In response, as Nanda writes, Gandhi blossomed almost overnight into a proficient political

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campaigner.

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He drafted petitions to the colonial legislature and the British government and had them signed

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by hundreds of his compatriots.

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He infused a spirit of solidarity in the heterogeneous Indian community.

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He flooded the government, the legislature and the press with closely reasoned statements

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of Indian grievances.

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Finally, he exposed to the view of the outside world the skeleton in the imperial cupboard.

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The discrimination practiced against the Indian subjects of Queen Victoria in one of her own

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colonies in Africa.

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Beginning in the fall of 1906, Gandhi began using still another tool, which he called

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satyagraha.

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It called for those he had organized to peaceably defy any unjust law and to suffer any and

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all penalties resulting from their defiance.

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Nanda translates satyagraha as a devotion to truth, but it is also sometimes translated

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as Firm Insistence on Truth or Persistence in the Pursuit of Truth.

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It was, Nanda writes, a new technique for redressing wrongs through inviting rather

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than inflicting suffering, for resisting the adversary without rancor and fighting him

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without violence.

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Jim Powell reports in his book The Triumph of Liberty that around 1907 Gandhi campaigned

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in South Africa against laws that prevented Indians from traveling, trading and living

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freely, and a friend gave him a copy of Henry David Thoreau's Civil Disobedience, which

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he read while imprisoned for three months in Pretoria.

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He acknowledged that Thoreau's ideas influenced me greatly.

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I adopted some of them and recommended the study of Thoreau to all my friends who were

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helping me in the cause of Indian independence.

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Powell quotes Gandhi as having said further that, until I read that essay, Thoreau's

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On the Duty of Civil Disobedience, I never found a suitable English translation for my

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Indian word, Satyagraha.

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The Thoreau scholar Walter Harding wrote that after first reading Civil Disobedience in

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that Pretoria jail cell, Gandhi always carried a copy with him during his many imprisonments

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in the years to come.

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Given this connection between Thoreau and Gandhi, and you virtually guarantee that someone

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will ask, whether plaintively, sarcastically, or in a spirit of genuine curiosity, but was

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Gandhi a libertarian?

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Well, of course that depends on how you define your terms, what you mean by the word libertarian,

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and what kind of evidence you think counts when it comes to deciding whether a particular

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A great many people who are willing to honor Glenn Becks or Bob Barr's claim to be a libertarian

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are strangely unwilling to extend the same benefit of the doubt to say Emma Goldman or

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Rudolph Rocker.

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In the case of Mohandas Gandhi, these are the facts.

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P. R. Nanda reports that in Durban in January of 1897, Gandhi was assaulted and nearly lynched

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by a white mob, but he refused to prosecute his assailants.

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It was, he said, a principle with him not to seek redress of a personal wrong in a court

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of law.

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According to Nanda, the distrust of the apparatus of government was almost as deep-rooted in

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Gandhi as in Tolstoy.

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He would have agreed with the 19th century doctrine that government is best which governs

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least.

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In fact, Nanda writes, this Jeffersonian maxim was central to Gandhi's thinking.

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A society organized and run on the basis of complete non-violence, he stated repeatedly,

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would be the purest anarchy.

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That state is perfect and non-violent where the people are governed the least.

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And again, the ideally non-violent state will be an ordered anarchy.

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That state will be the best governed, which is governed the least.

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The intellectual historian George H. Smith puts the matter very similarly.

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Gandhi's hatred of state oppression, he writes, was as passionate and deeply felt as any contemporary

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libertarian.

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Smith quotes Gandhi as having said that any man who subordinates his will to that of the

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surrenders his liberty and thus becomes a slave. According to Smith, many

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analysts have pointed out that Gandhi was in the anarchist tradition and that

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his anarchism was strongly individualistic. In contrast to the

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supposedly oriental view that the individual counts for nothing, Gandhi

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argued that the individual is the one supreme consideration. No society, Gandhi

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Smith cites the supporting opinion of the Indian academic philosopher Raghavan Iyer,

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who spent most of his adult life in the United States teaching at the University of California.

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It would not be extravagant, Iyer wrote in 1973, to consider Gandhi as one of the most

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revolutionary of individualists and one of the most individualistic of revolutionaries.

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Smith quotes Iyer as claiming that Gandhi could not believe in the moral priority of

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any collective agency over the individual.

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Smith's own judgment is unequivocal, by any reasonable libertarian standard, the same standard

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we apply to a Sam Adams, a Thomas Paine or a Lysander Spooner, he writes, Mohandas Gandhi

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qualifies as heroic.

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Smith acknowledges that in the enormous corpus of Gandhi's writings we find no systematic

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treatise on political theory, yet scattered throughout letters and articles we find unmistakable

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indications of his anarchist tendencies.

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Gandhi, Smith maintains, was predominantly libertarian in his outlook.

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Throughout his career as an activist, Gandhi was guided by his vision of an anarchist society.

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Nor is this all.

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Gandhi repeatedly called himself an anarchist, Smith writes.

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He refused positions of political power.

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He called for the abolition of the Indian Congress after independence.

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He criticized Nehru's government.

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He desired the abolition of the Indian military and the maintenance of, at most, a minimal

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police force.

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His entire social program revolved around establishing decentralized village republics

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which would use social sanctions to maintain order and which would be free of state control.

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Gandhi was a vigorous opponent of imperialism, including Zionism, war, including World War

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II, censorship, and virtually every other kind of state intrusion.

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In the end, of course, the case for Mohandas Gandhi as a libertarian is closed by the fact

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of his pacifism.

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In online forums where blowhards with little information pontificate on subjects in which

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they are particularly uninformed, you often run into the assertion that libertarianism

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is not pacifism.

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Perhaps you have confused libertarianism and pacifism, a self-appointed pundit will intone

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with an air of great confidence and certainty.

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And there is a grain of truth behind all this posturing.

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It's true that libertarianism is not pacifism, at least, not necessarily.

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On the other hand, pacifism is libertarianism.

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If you abjure all violence, you must abjure the state.

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Thus, while not all libertarians are pacifists, all pacifists are libertarians, whether they

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realize it or not, and admittedly a great many pacifists have not realized it.

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Gandhi, it appears, did realize it.

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As all the world knows, Mohandas Gandhi returned to India in 1914, at the age of 44, just after

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the outbreak of what later came to be called World War I.

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For the next three decades, he organized and led the movement to free India from British

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control, a movement that succeeded in its aims.

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On January 30, 1948, while on his way to the platform from which he was to address a prayer

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meeting in Delhi, he was murdered by a Hindu nationalist wielding a pistol.

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Assassinated is the term usually employed, since Gandhi was both a political activist

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and a public figure.

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when he was 78 years old.

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Does he deserve a place in the libertarian tradition?

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I'd say so.

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This is Jeff Rigenbach.
