WEBVTT

NOTE R.C. Hoiles (1878–1970)

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The Ludwig von Mises Institute presents The Libertarian Tradition, an audio series with Jeff Rigenbach.

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R.C. Hoyles was born Raymond Cyrus Hoyles, 132 years ago this month, on November 24, 1878, in Alliance, Ohio,

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A small town of a little more than 4,000 people, about 20 miles northeast of Canton and about

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30 miles southeast of Akron.

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He grew up on a prosperous farm a short distance outside town and first went to school in what

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he himself later characterized as a little red schoolhouse.

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There, he said many years later, the most important thing he was taught was that the

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or a majority of citizens, had the right to use taxation to support the public school system.

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Hoyles found, he said, that while his school texts exposed the political error of the divine

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right of kings, they never explained the error in the divine right of the majority.

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They simply substituted the divine right of the majority for the divine right of kings.

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And they taught that the government or the local school district, if the majority so

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Of course, as I've stressed, Hoyles didn't think all these things while he was still a student in the Little Red Schoolhouse.

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at least not in so many words such thoughts would occur to him only later

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when he was looking back at the events of his early life meanwhile he graduated

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from the Little Red Schoolhouse attended the local high school graduated from

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there as well and enrolled in yet another local school an institution owned

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and operated by the Methodist Church under the name Mount Union College it is

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It's appropriate, I think, to pause for a moment at this point in the story to reflect

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on what the fact of R.C. Hoyles being a college student at all in the late 1890s tells us

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about the socioeconomic class in which he was brought up.

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It is worth remembering that, as one unsigned but very accurate online account of the relevant

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history puts it, in the first decade of the 20th century most American children attended

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schools for no more than a few years, and from their limited education, they and their

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parents were often content if they acquired only the most rudimentary literacy and numeracy

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skills.

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It is worth remembering that, in the words of yet another unsigned online account, higher

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education at the end of the 19th century remained primarily a preserve of the elite.

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For most Americans, that didn't change until World War II, with the passage of the Serviceman's

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Readjustment Act of 1944, popularly known as the GI Bill.

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In 1900, about 2% of the college-age population enrolled in higher education.

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As late as 1947, three years after the passage of the GI Bill, only about 5% of Americans,

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One American in 20 held a four-year college degree. What we're used to today is very

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different. Today, two-thirds of the college-age population in this country is in college,

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at least part-time. And a little more than a quarter of the adult population, one American

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in four, holds a four-year degree. Though his family was prosperous, Hoyles felt

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he should work to help put himself through Mount Union College.

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So he took a weekend job selling subscriptions to his older brother's newspaper, The Alliance

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Review, while he studied electrical engineering during the week.

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When graduation day dawned, however, Hoyles awoke to discover that he'd begun to find

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the newspaper business more interesting than engineering.

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So he never wound up working even a single day as an engineer.

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Instead, he stayed on in his older brother's employ, working not only as a subscription salesman, but also as a printer, as a bookkeeper, and eventually as business manager.

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By 1905, when he was still only 26 years old, he had become his older brother's partner, having acquired a one-third interest in the paper.

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For the next 14 years, the Hoyles brothers worked on growing their little paper.

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Then, in 1919, they began acquiring other nearby small-town publications, first the Lorraine Times Herald, then, two years later, in 1921, the Mansfield News.

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R.C. Hoyles knew all the ins and outs of the business well enough by then to serve as publisher, first of the Lorraine newspaper, and then of the Mansfield newspaper.

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By now, R.C. Hoyles was in his forties, and had begun, perhaps somewhat belatedly, to think in a broad theoretical way about politics and society,

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and about the role a newspaper could play in a community if it were committed to some sort of principled vision of the ideal society.

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He had come to believe that, as he put it many years later, what this country needs as much as anything else

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are newspapers that believe in moral principles and have enough courage to express these

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principles and point out practices and beliefs that violate moral principles.

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A newspaper that only tries to run editorials and columnists and news items that are popular

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is of mighty little value to its readers.

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Moreover, Hoyles argued, a newspaper that is afraid of losing subscribers because of

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of Principles is of little value to itself or anyone else.

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It might make dollars, but its publisher loses his own self-respect, his own soul.

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Hoyles believed that there were more crusading newspapers in years gone by than there are

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today.

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Today, too many newspapers are afraid of offending somebody and losing a dollar by taking an

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unpopular position.

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The result is that they cease to be of much use in their community as far as getting people

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to better understand human relations that will promote goodwill, peace and prosperity.

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And not only that, but a newspaper that is afraid to discuss things that are sacred cows

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to the majority will be afraid to handle news stories that might cost it advertising or

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subscriptions.

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Increasingly though, Hoyle saw the editorial page as the true heart of a newspaper.

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A newspaper's editorial page was, he said, a daily schoolroom made available to its subscribers,

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irrespective of whether they were rich or poor, young or old, and without the duress

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of taxes nor the compulsion of forced attendance.

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His older brother Frank did not see things this way.

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He was one of those newspaper publishers who was afraid of offending somebody and losing

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a dollar by taking an unpopular position.

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So after nearly 20 years in business together, the brothers agreed to go their separate ways.

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Frank kept their original paper, the Alliance Review, R.C. took the Lorraine Times Herald

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and the Mansfield News.

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But it wasn't long before R.C. learned that running a newspaper his way could be risky

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way beyond the mere risk of offending somebody or losing a dollar.

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As Wendy McElroy tells the story in a recent article on Hoyles for the Future of Freedom

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from Foundations Freedom Daily, The Herald, the Hoyle's paper in Lorraine, had exposed

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the fraudulent awarding of a paving contract to a Cleveland company despite the presence

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of a lower bid.

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Public pressure resulted in the lower bids being accepted.

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The enraged owner of the Cleveland company purchased rival papers in both Lorraine and

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Mansfield in order to run R.C. out of business.

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The attempt failed, and the conflict blazed on.

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Now let Carl Wattner take up the story.

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He reports in a 1986 article on R.C. that mysteriously, not long afterward, the front

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porch of the Hoyle's home was destroyed by an explosion, Hoyle's car was subsequently

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found to be wired with dynamite, which fortunately failed to detonate, and another dud bomb was

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was discovered in the office of the Mansfield News.

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Mysteriously, the perpetrators of these bombings were never identified, much less apprehended or prosecuted.

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But R.C. got the message loud and clear.

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He sold the papers in Mansfield and Lorraine and moved his family to Southern California.

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After a decent interval, during which time he researched the market,

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what was available, what he could ascertain about his probable chances of success, and so forth,

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With, he bought a daily called the Santa Ana Register.

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This was in 1935, when R.C. Hoyles was 56 years old and Santa Ana, California was a

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sleepy farm town of around 30,000 people about 35 miles southeast of Los Angeles.

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By now, R.C. had pretty well worked out his social and political philosophy.

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That is, he had pretty well worked out the moral principles he wanted his newspapers

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The most harmful error most honest people make, he wrote in an editorial in the Santa

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Ana Register, is the belief that a group or a government can do things that would be harmful

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and wicked if done by an individual, and produce results that are not harmful, unjust and wicked.

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It is the belief that a number of people doing a thing that is wrong for an individual to

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do can make it right and just.

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Hoyles believed that governments derived their just powers from the consent of the individual,

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and that the government had no right to do anything that each and every individual did

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not have the right to do.

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It would, for example, be wrong for an individual to spell out rules according to which other

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Other individuals were to run their businesses, and then seize any business people who didn't

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follow those rules and lock them in cages.

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No individual has a right to do that, which, to Hoyles, meant that no government had a

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right to do that either.

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It would be wrong for an individual to insist that anyone seeking to follow a particular

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trade or profession must first pay him for a license to do so.

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Therefore, according to Hoyles, it would be wrong for any government to do the same thing.

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It would be wrong for an individual to lock other people in cages for reading or publishing

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books or for selling or using drugs, of which he didn't approve.

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Therefore, according to Hoyles, it would be wrong for any government to do the same.

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It would be wrong for an individual to force his neighbors to pay for schools or anything

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Nothing else they didn't want and preferred not to pay for.

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Therefore, according to Hoyles, it would be wrong for any government to do the same.

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As Hoyles himself put it, any time a man has to pay for something he does not want because

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of the initiating of force by the government, he is, to that degree, a slave.

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Unsurprisingly, R.C. also described himself as against all taxes.

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After all, it would be wrong for an individual to, as he put it, arbitrarily confiscate a

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man's property and call it a tax.

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It was, then, equally wrong for a government to do the same.

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I do not believe, he said, that multiplying a wrong by any number makes it right.

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This was the philosophy that informed the editorial pages of all newspapers owned by

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by R. C. Hoyles from the mid-1930s to the time of his death, just short of his 92nd

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birthday in 1970.

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It might be argued that there has been some backsliding since then.

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I can testify that by the time I joined the staff of the Santa Ana Register as an editorial

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writer and columnist in the mid-1980s, a little more than 15 years after R. C.'s passing,

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the libertarian influence seemed to be weakening somewhat.

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Our publisher, the husband of one of R.C.'s granddaughters, felt comfortable having as

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his daily editorial cartoonist an outspoken conservative who thought libertarians were

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crazy.

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That same publisher was comfortable having as his editorial and opinion pages editor

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a man who freelanced for the National Review and had earlier left the register for a few

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years to work for the Washington Times before coming back to take control of the editorial

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on the whole, I felt at the time, our publisher wanted the register to be libertarian only

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as long as that didn't entail shocking or offending his friends, local businessmen and

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their wives, at the local country club.

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It's true, he did approve adding me, a known firebrand, to the editorial board of the paper,

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despite knowing, he must have known, that he wasn't going to be able to rely on me to

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to kowtow to the delicate sensibilities of conservatives.

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But I didn't last long at the Register, less than a year.

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There are doubtless those who know and understand far more about all this than I do.

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During my time at the Register, the news columns of the paper were purely conventional, like

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those of any other major metropolitan daily that served a mainly suburban readership.

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Like those of Newsday, let us say.

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Reporters weren't expected to be libertarian in their thinking, or even to know what libertarianism

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was.

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But in R.C.'s day, his libertarianism definitely influenced the paper's coverage of the news

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as well as its editorial stance.

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R.C. wouldn't tolerate news stories that referred to the public schools, for example.

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His reporters were required to refer to them as government schools.

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R.C. himself preferred the phrase gun-run schools and used it liberally on the editorial

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page.

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Such policies won him a certain amount of ridicule from mainstream journalists.

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Time magazine described him on one occasion as the weird Uncle Harold of the newspaper

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business.

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But R.C. went on doing things his way, and his company prospered.

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By 1970, the year of his death, it had grown to 16 dailies scattered over seven states.

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By 1986, when I joined the staff at the Santa Ana Register, it had been renamed the Orange

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County Register and was the 25th largest newspaper in the United States with a paid daily circulation

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of more than 300,000.

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Freedom Newspapers, as R.C. had decided to call his firm, owned around 30 papers by the

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in the mid-1980s, with a combined circulation of about a million.

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In the 1990s, when the company began acquiring magazines and TV stations as well as newspapers,

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it changed its name to Freedom Communications.

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R.C. Hoyles was a multimillionaire by the time he died, but he lived modestly and gave

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much of his money away.

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He was among those who provided seed money so Leonard Reed could start FEE, the Foundation

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for Economic Education in 1946. He provided ongoing financial support not only to Fee,

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but also to the Institute for Humane Studies and to Robert Lefebvre's Freedom School.

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He bought 100 copies of Isabel Patterson's 1943 book, The God of the Machine, to distribute

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to his friends and business associates. He paid all expenses to bring Ludwig von Mises

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During his lifetime, R.C. Hoyles fought for many unpopular causes—for abolition of taxation,

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for abolition of the public schools, for shutting down the concentration camps in which Japanese

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Americans were imprisoned during World War II, and for repeal of any and all laws that

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emerged from the assumption that it could be right for government to do something it

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would be wrong for any individual to do.

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He even fought for replacement of tax-funded police departments with what Carl Wattner

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Kirzner calls a free enterprise association or a defensive voluntary association that

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would sell protection of life and property much like an insurance company.

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And thanks to his generosity and his long-term commitment to freedom, he is among those we

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all have to thank for the fact that, as we were growing up, there was a libertarian movement

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already in place to receive us in the event that we should come to see things as R.C.

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This is Jeff Rigenbach.
