WEBVTT

NOTE Suzanne La Follette (1893 –1983)

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The Ludwig von Mises Institute presents The Libertarian Tradition, an audio series with

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Jeff Rigenbach.

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Suzanne LaFollette came into this world 118 years ago this month on June 24, 1893, the

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fourth of seven children, four boys, three girls, born to a family that owned large wheat

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and Fruit Farms Along the Snake River in Southeastern Washington State.

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As she told an interviewer who tracked her down many years later, she and her siblings

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grew up on horseback at a time when the automobile had not yet come in.

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It had begun coming in though a few years later when Suzanne was on the verge of entering

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her teens and her father decided to lease out his rural property and build a new family

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Home in the college town of Pullman near the Idaho border.

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We're now in the middle years of the first decade of a new century, the 20th century,

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and Pullman, Washington is home to around 15 or 1,600 people.

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Today and for most of the past half century, it's been home to more like 25,000.

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But then, as now, the majority of those people are connected in some way, students, faculty,

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Administration with Washington State University, which opened its doors there in Pullman in

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1890, so that it had been in business more than 15 years by the time the Lafollette family

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showed up in town.

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Eight miles east of Pullman, then as now, another college town, Moscow, Idaho, served

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as the site of the University of Idaho, founded one year earlier than Washington State.

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Then as now, the population of Moscow was about half accounted for by students, faculty

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and administrators from the university.

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Then as now, the whole area was permeated by students.

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It was and is an area in which higher education is a major industry.

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And though the combined population of Moscow, Idaho and Pullman, Washington, when Suzanne

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Susan LaFollette first saw them was no more than around 5,000.

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It probably seemed urban and sophisticated to her when she arrived there at the age of

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12, a brand new import from the farm.

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Suzanne finished high school in Pullman and at the age of 16 enrolled at Washington State.

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But she had only about a year there before her family was uprooted again.

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Her father was elected to Congress and they all moved to the other Washington, the one

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on the Potomac.

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Now at this point I should interrupt the flow of my narrative to clear up a possible confusion.

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Suzanne LaFollette's father was not the famous LaFollette.

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The famous LaFollette was Robert M. Fighting Bob LaFollette, the progressive Republican

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from Wisconsin who served three terms in the U.S. House of Representatives in the late

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In the late 1880s and early 1890s, two terms as governor of Wisconsin in the first years

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of the 20th century and two decades in the U.S. Senate between 1906 when he left the

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governor's residence and 1925 when he died.

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Suzanne's father was William LaFollette.

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He was fighting Bob's first cousin and his junior by five years, but he was not like

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Like fighting Bob, a professional politician, apart from two years in the Washington State

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House of Representatives at the turn of the century and some time on his local school

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board, William LaFollette confined his political career to the second decade of the 20th century,

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when he himself was in his 50s.

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But that single decade in Washington, D.C. was an eye-opening experience for his daughter

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Suzanne.

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She was 17 when she arrived in the nation's capital and 26 when she left.

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She worked part-time in her father's congressional office and in her cousin Bob's senatorial

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office while finishing up her degree at Trinity College, now Trinity Washington University.

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She witnessed Woodrow Wilson's two terms in the White House from what amounted to a

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front-row seat, including his disastrous decision to intervene in World War I and his attempt

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To suppress the dissent, that decision naturally touched off all over America.

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For the first four years of her father's time on Capitol Hill, Suzanne lived in what

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she later recalled as a huge old house on 16th Street, with her parents, those of her

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siblings who were still living at home, fighting Bob and his wife, and their three youngest

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children.

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For the first three of those four years, fighting Bob's youngest kids included Robert LaFollette

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Jr., two years younger than Suzanne.

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The younger LaFollette moved back home to Madison in 1913 to attend the University of

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Wisconsin, then succeeded his father in the U.S. Senate in 1925 and spent more than two

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decades as a senator himself.

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Meanwhile, his cousin Suzanne had decided to leave Washington altogether for what she hoped would be greener pastures in New York.

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She had decided to try her hand at journalism, and by 1919 she had landed herself a job at a weekly magazine called The Nation,

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which was owned and edited by a tireless advocate for civil liberties and against imperialism named Oswald Garrison Vallard.

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I'm tempted to describe Villard as an un-reconstructed classical liberal, except that he was in the process of being reconstructed when Suzanne LaFollette met him in 1919.

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His commitment to civil liberties and anti-imperialism remained stalwart, but he had been seduced by the supposed triumphs of Woodrow Wilson's war socialism,

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and was becoming convinced that government could plan and administer an economy that would work

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better than what would result from a policy of laissez-faire. At The Nation, Suzanne met a fellow

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staff writer and editor much older than she, almost as old as her father, certainly old enough

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to be her father. He was a former Episcopal clergyman who had enlisted in the ranks of

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of Radical Journalism, a decade earlier, working on the American Magazine with Lincoln Steffens,

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Ida Tarbell and John Reed.

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He was erudite, aloof, sardonic, utterly fascinating.

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His name was Albert J. Nock.

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Nock immediately recognized the talent and intelligence of this fresh-faced 26-year-old

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from Washington.

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He took her under his wing, became her mentor, made her his protege.

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A year later in 1920, when the financing came through for a new weekly magazine of which

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Nock would be editor-in-chief, The Freeman, it was to be called, he took her with him

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and made her managing editor.

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The Freeman was a Georgist paper, and its editorials, which Nock himself wrote, took

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Nock a more or less Georgist line, though never really an orthodox Georgist line.

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Nock was never really an orthodox Georgist.

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Moreover, Nock brought in many non-Georgists to write for the magazine.

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He really didn't care what their opinions on political economy were if they weren't

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writing about political economy.

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As his literary editor, Nock hired Van Wick Brooks, who had spent the war years as an

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and a supporter of Eugene Debs.

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As one of his most frequent contributors, Nock chose Lewis Mumford, who later served as one

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of the real-life models Ayn Rand relied upon when she created the character of Ellsworth

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Toohey in her novel The Fountainhead.

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At one time or another, Nock recalled two decades later, when he wrote his autobiography,

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The Memoirs of a Superfluous Man

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We printed quite a bit of stuff that none of us believed in, but it all conformed to

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our three conditions.

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The three conditions Nock refers to here are the three requirements of the Freeman's editorial

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policy.

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The first one, he wrote, is that you must have a point.

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Second, you must make it out.

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The third one is that you must make it out in 18-carat impeccable idiomatic English.

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Nock acknowledged in his memoirs that he had never believed the Freeman could survive and

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was not surprised when it met an early death.

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I had no illusions about the enterprise, Nock wrote, for I knew it had no prospect of ever

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even beginning to pay for itself and therefore it could not last long.

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The venture did, however, present the chance of what I thought might be an interesting

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experiment, which turned out to be so, far beyond my expectations.

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The idea was, first, to see whether such a paper as we had in mind could be produced

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in this country.

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I did not believe it could be.

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I doubted that there was enough latent literary ability of that grade to supply us with contributors.

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I was soon proven wrong about that.

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Then, second, we propose to see whether the quality and character of the paper could be successfully held up from issue to issue.

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Jumping three or four hurdles of the same height is perhaps no great feat, but jumping 52 at a stretch is another matter.

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Again, I had sturdy doubts that this could be done, and again, I was proven wrong.

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Finally, we thought that the paper's distribution might give us some sort of rough measure of

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the general level at which the best culture of the country stood.

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I had my own ideas about this also, and for once I was approximately right.

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Anyone who remembers the state of the public mind in the early 1920s does not need to be

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told that we launched our experiment under as unfavorable circumstances as could well

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Their success was modest, certainly.

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They never attracted more than a few thousand readers.

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The Freeman never began to pay for itself.

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For four years, its losses were picked up by the sort of financial angel a magazine

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In this case, it was the heiress to the swift meatpacking fortune.

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She had married a Georgist and decided she wanted to use her wealth, or at least some

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of it, to promote Georgist ideas.

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But after four years, the Freemans benefactor tired of reaching so small a readership and

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announced that she was withdrawing her support from the project.

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As the year 1924 got underway, the staff of the Freemen scattered to the four winds and

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the demands of different careers that no longer shared a single track.

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There is a sense in which Suzanne LaFollette spent the rest of her career trying to recapture

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what Albert J. Nock had put together and managed to hold together for four years there in Manhattan.

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For Suzanne, it was the best job she ever had.

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The high point of all her years in journalism.

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She had loved working with and for Albert J. Nock.

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She had learned so much from him.

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She had wanted it to go on forever until she was well into her 60s.

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She worked indefatigably to find financial backers who would underwrite a reborn freeman.

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Twice, she actually brought something of the kind off, or at least helped to bring it off.

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In 1930, six years after the original Freeman had ceased publication, at the age of 37,

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she became founding editor of a weekly magazine called The New Freeman.

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By all accounts, she did a fine job.

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She even managed to lure Knockback to write a column.

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But again, the financial angel for the project backed out, this time after only 15 months.

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But it was nearly two more decades before Suzanne was able to bring off anything comparable

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in her ongoing effort to resurrect the Freeman.

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In 1950, at the age of 57, she joined with Henry Hazlitt and John Chamberlain to found

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yet another fortnightly version of the Freeman.

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She served as managing editor as she had on the original Freeman back in the 1920s.

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This latest version of the magazine attained a larger paid circulation than either of its

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predecessors, and this latest version of the magazine also survived longer than either

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of the previous ones.

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It was 1956, before it was sold to the Foundation for Economic Education and transformed into

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a monthly of a very different sort, a kind of reader's digest for radical free-marketeers.

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But by then, the end clearly in sight, Suzanne had moved on, becoming, at the end of 1955,

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the managing editor of yet another startup, a fortnightly magazine edited by a young man

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named William F. Buckley Jr. and called The National Review.

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That job at National Review was the last job Suzanne La Follette ever took in the world

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of magazine journalism.

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Four years later, in 1959, at the age of 66, she retired.

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She began almost immediately to fade into the obscurity that remains her lot today.

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To the extent that she is remembered at all 118 years after the year of her birth, it

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is as a protege of Albert J. Nock and a figure of some consequence in American magazine journalism

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of the first half of the 20th century.

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Perhaps, however, she should be remembered for more than that.

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You see, for most of her career, Suzanne LaFollette was not a magazine editor.

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For most of her career, she was a freelance writer, contributing to magazines like The

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American Mercury, The Nation, The New Republic and Scribner's.

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In the late 1920s, in the years just after the dissolution of Knox Freeman, she also

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wrote a couple of books.

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The later of the two, Art in America, was published in 1929.

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The earlier of the two came out in 1926.

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It was entitled Concerning Women.

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The libertarian social psychologist Sharon Presley, in an essay on Suzanne Lafollette,

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tells us that the most important influence in writing Concerning Women was Knock, rather

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than the contemporary feminist movement.

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It was Nock who encouraged LaFollette to write it, and Nock was well pleased with her efforts.

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I knew it would be a good book, he wrote in a letter to a friend, but I assure you it

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is so far beyond all my expectations that I cannot say enough in praise of it.

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If I am any judge, it is a truly great book.

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I expect Nock felt this way at least partly because Suzanne's analysis in her new book

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It is impossible, she wrote, for a sex or a class to have economic freedom until everybody

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has it, and until economic freedom is attained for everybody, there can be no real freedom

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for anybody.

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Without economic freedom, efforts after political and social freedom are nougatory and elusive,

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Except for what educational value they may have for those concerned with them.

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She wrote of the cynical disregard of both law and principle which government in America

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regularly exhibits, and warned feminists of the 20s that under these circumstances no

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guarantee of rights is worth the paper it is written on, and the women who rely on such

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Such guarantees to protect them against prejudice and discrimination are leaning on a broken

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reed.

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They will do well to bear this in mind as they proceed with their demands for equality

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and to remember that however great may be their immediate returns from the removal of

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their legal disabilities, they can hardly hope for security against prejudice and discrimination

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until their natural rights, not as women, but as human beings, are finally established.

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La Follette believed that even if the feminists of the 20s gained all their objectives, we

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are obliged to face the fact that under such a regime, women would enjoy precisely that

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degree of freedom which men now enjoy, that is to say, very little.

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The ultimate emancipation of women, she wrote, will depend not upon the abolition of the

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restrictions which have subjected her to man, that is, but a step, though a necessary one,

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but upon the abolition of all those restrictions of natural human rights that subject the mass

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of humanity to a privileged class.

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And of course, the institution that had subjected the mass of humanity to a privileged class

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This was none other than the state.

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It is evident from the very nature of the state, Suzanne wrote, in a passage one can

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only call knock-in, very knock-in, that its interests are opposed to those of society.

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And while the complete emancipation of women would undoubtedly imply the destruction of

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the state, their emancipation, far from destroying society, must be of inestimable benefit to

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it.

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What we have here, ladies and gentlemen, is the first book since Mary Wollstonecraft's

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Vindication of the Rights of Woman in 1792 to lay out the case for individualist or libertarian

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feminism, and it's a thoroughly Nakhian case.

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Feminist scholar Alice Rossi wrote in 1973 of Concerning Women that on issue after issue,

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comes down on the side of the least degree of state interference in the lives of men

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and women and a consistent belief that it is only through full economic independence

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and personal autonomy that sex equality will be achieved.

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This is a book that should be better remembered and treasured as an important contribution

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to the libertarian tradition.

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This is Jeff Riggenbach.
