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NOTE Timothy Ferris and Lynn Hunt: The Cause of Liberty

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The Ludwig von Mises Institute presents The Libertarian Tradition, an audio series with

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Jeff Brigenbach.

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Timothy Ferris is a science writer and documentary filmmaker whose articles and essays have appeared

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in Rolling Stone, The New Yorker, National Geographic, Playboy, The New York Review of

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of Books, Forbes, Smithsonian, Harper's, Time, Newsweek, Wired, Scientific American,

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The Nation and The New Republic.

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His films have been shown in prime time on PBS.

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He teaches at the University of California Graduate School of Journalism in Berkeley.

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He is the author of at least a dozen books, the latest of which, The Science of Liberty,

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Democracy, Reason and the Laws of Nature was published about six weeks ago in early February by Harper.

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What is the Science of Liberty about?

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Here's how Ferris dealt with that question in a presentation he made at the Cato Institute in Washington DC in

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February. My thesis is that there is a symbiotic relationship between science and

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liberalism, let me

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I'd like to quickly define my terms. By science, I mean what sometimes is called modern science,

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which is to say the entire social institution of a scientific establishment that has professional

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scientists, university departments, laboratories, refereed journals, scientific conferences

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and all the rest of it.

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Ferris thinks modern science in this sense dates back to the beginning of the 17th century

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and has since developed into something truly unprecedented in human history.

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There's never been in history anything like the scientific establishment we have today.

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And it does have a method despite the efforts of hundreds of scholars to claim otherwise.

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And the essence of this method is a kind of feedback loop.

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You have an idea and instead of just testing it either by its internal logic

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or by testing it against other competing ideas which Aristotle had identified as the only

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two ways to evaluate an idea before science, you conduct an experiment.

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And then based on the experiment you might affirm, revise or deny the hypothesis.

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That really is how science works as far as I can tell in 40 years of covering it, even

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though many people seem to think otherwise.

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So much then for what Ferris means by science when he speaks of a symbiotic relationship

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between science and liberalism.

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What does he mean by liberalism?

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Now by liberalism I have in mind classical, what is sometimes called classical liberalism.

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In my opinion liberalism like science is not a term that benefits from modifiers.

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I don't think there's any need to talk about modern science or classical liberalism.

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To me liberalism is just liberalism enshrined in the Bill of Rights and so forth.

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Farris had been a little more exact the day before when he explained his new book to WNYC radio interviewer Leonard Lopate.

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I use liberalism in the original sense as the original political philosophy invented primarily by John Locke and a few others

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and embodied in the American Bill of Rights and the British Bill of Rights a century earlier.

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It's a philosophy that people can be trusted to be free, and it's the basis of liberal democracy.

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Democracy, liberal democracy is just a government in which people can vote to do just about anything

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except abridge the rights of their fellow citizens.

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Ferris told his audience at the Cato Institute that modern science and classical liberalism have much in common.

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Now, liberalism does have in common with science that, at least in terms of liberal democracy,

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one constructs experiments. They are inherent to the system. Every election is an experiment.

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Every act of legislation is an experiment. This isn't the way we talk about it so much

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now, but the founders did talk in experimental terms. Jefferson's Second Inaugural is one

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More important, the two are operationally interdependent.

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For example, as Ferris told Leonard Lopate, science can thrive only in a liberal environment.

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If you're going to nurture science, you've got to have a free country, and that's just

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empirically the fact. It's a fact that emerges from the historical record.

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Consider the case of China, Ferris urged Lopate.

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No matter how much money China spends trying to become a first-rate Chinese power, and

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All right, so science needs liberalism. But does liberalism need science? Ferris thinks

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Science, he writes, was the innovative ingredient, the crystal dropped in the supersaturated liquid,

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suddenly solidifying it, without which the democratic revolution would not have occurred.

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The truth is, according to Ferris, that the democratic revolution was sparked.

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Caused, is perhaps not too strong a word, by the scientific revolution, and science

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Science continues to foster political freedom today.

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Science, Ferris writes, is an ongoing enterprise that requires freedom of speech, travel and

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association.

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Moreover, scientific skepticism is corrosive to authoritarianism.

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Overall, science promotes liberty and democracy.

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Science, you see, depends on unfamiliar and sometimes unpopular ideas being freely promulgated,

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discussed and, in some instances, accepted.

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The fact that millions of people today are open to new ideas and skeptical about political

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or intellectual authority is largely due to the rise of science.

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The history of the last few hundred years, then, may be summed up by saying that science

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Ferris demanded liberty and demonstrated its social benefits, creating a symbiotic relationship

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in which the freer nations were better able to carry on the scientific enterprise, which

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in return rewarded them with knowledge, wealth and power.

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Consider the record, Ferris told WNYCFM interviewer Leonard Lopate.

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As he had written in chapter 1 of his book, in 1900 there was not a single liberal democracy

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in the world, since none yet had universal suffrage. By 1950 there were 22. And today?

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46% of the people in the world now live in liberal democracies. The other half want to

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live in liberal democracies. Everyone wants the benefits of science and many people are

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Ferris told his audience at the Cato Institute in February that it's not difficult to figure

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out why liberal democracy has spread so rapidly, nor is it hard to guess why people want to

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live under such a system.

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This combination of science and liberalism has quite a number of attainments.

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In the book, I try to boil down some of them to what I think are fairly universal values.

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What can everyone agree it's good for people to have, like health, wealth and happiness?

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In terms of health, thanks to science and free enterprise and such, the average expectation

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of a baby born in the world today is more than twice what it was in 1800.

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The production is up 52% per person despite the increase in population just since 1961 and that's actually just to 2001.

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And the reason of course for that is that agriculture is much more productive.

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It's not productive because some scientific council got together and made up a set of precepts that were then carried out.

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It's productive because of experimentation and that's what I've tried to emphasize in the Science of Liberty

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So much for health, what about wealth?

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And can Ferris really prove that liberal democracy has increased human happiness?

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Happiness is hard to measure.

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One thing I looked at is literacy because clearly people are better off if they can

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and Read and Write and feel better off and more in contact with the world and their community.

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World literacy went from 63% in 1970 up 10% by 1985 and over 80% today.

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Now if you were sitting in a coffee house in 1700 in London, let's say on Change Alley

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where a lot of the science-minded people would gather, and you were all science aficionados

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and you were trying to guess what the future might bring, you might have been, you know,

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Francis Bacon did this. This was a guy who was smart enough that a lot of people think

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he was Shakespeare. Francis Bacon saw some of what was coming with science and tried

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to predict it, and it's very difficult to do. It's hard to make predictions, as Niels

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Bohr said, especially about the future. Had you said at such an assembly that by somewhere

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Reading through Ferris's new book, its full title again, is The Science of Liberty, Democracy,

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Reason and the Laws of Nature.

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I was repeatedly reminded of another book, a book I read a few years ago.

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This book was called Inventing Human Rights, a History.

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It was the work of a UCLA professor of modern European history named Lynn Hunt, and it was

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published in 2007 by W. W. Norton and Company.

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According to Hunt, the story behind inventing human rights was a fairly simple one.

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The longer she thought about the events of the 18th century, particularly the American

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and French revolutions, the more she was struck by how very quickly the fundamental

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What I was really interested in was a very simple question, but the simple questions always turn out to be difficult, which is what made people in the 18th century think that universal human rights

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was were self-evident an implication that they must always exist when they

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hadn't been considered self-evident previously so how could something become

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self-evident and because it's self-evident it's a little bit hard to

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get at, Jefferson's we hold these truths to be self-evident, when you think

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something is self-evident you tend not to give long arguments for why it is so

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In the same book discussion recorded at UCLA in May 2008, Hunt also called attention to

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the very rapid changes in public opinion in the 18th century about torture and cruel punishment.

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New attitudes about torture and cruel punishment develop quite suddenly.

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Why do practices that have been accepted for centuries suddenly come apart at the seams?

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What happened in the 1760s and 1770s?

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Enlightenment reformers claimed explicitly in print that what happened was that when you applied reason to the practices

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It wasn't satisfied with that reasoning.

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She wanted to pose a more fundamental question.

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Why was it that when the idea salesmen went out into the public square in the 1760s and

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1770s with their rational ideas about human rights, they suddenly found so many ready

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and enthusiastic buyers?

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As she investigated this question, she came to understand, she says, that the buyers had

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had a kind of learning curve to deal with when they considered buying, say, the idea

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that everyone in a free society enjoys equal rights before the law.

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Alexis de Tocqueville recounts a story told by Voltaire's secretary about a woman named

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Madame de Chatelet, who did not hesitate to undress in front of her servants, who quote

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him not considering it a proven fact that valets were men.

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Before the 18th century and indeed long after the 18th century too, hierarchy, dominance

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and subordination were the natural ways of social relationship. The lesson is that equality

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has to be learned, that historically dominance and subordination have been much more common

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and seemingly natural.

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One might well retort that dominance and subordination had to be learned every bit as much as the

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idea of equality of rights, but we must avoid digressions, the clock is ever ticking.

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Given that equality of rights had to be learned before those who learned it could be expected

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to lend public support to such a radical idea, before they could reasonably be expected to

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Human rights take on self-evidence from the middle of the 18th century onward, really

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in the decade or so before 1776, thanks in part, and let me underline, in part, to the

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emotional effect of reading a new genre, the epistolary novel, that is the novel based

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on the Putative Exchange of Letters.

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And how would an epistolary novel educate a person so that the person would be more

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receptive to a pitch for equal rights for everyone?

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The narrative form of the epistolary novel as it develops after 1740 induces readers

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by its form to empathize with ordinary people unknown to them.

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This forces readers to see that the most ordinary people, even servants like Pamela, the heroine

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of Richardson's novel by that name, have inner selves just like their own.

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The term rights of man, which was the French term, widely adopted in the late 18th and

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early 19th century, including by Jefferson at that time, emerges, the term rights of

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Man emerges in the 1760s, and I believe that the ground is prepared, in part, by the epistolary

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novel. It is fascinating, though hardly conclusive, that the inventor of the phrase rights of man

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in French was also the 18th century's best-selling novelist in French, Jean-Jacques Rousseau,

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that one of the first to seize upon the political power of natural rights, another common term,

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So you see then why Hunt's book is like Ferris's book.

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Both authors are trying to explain what seems to them like a sudden shift in public opinion.

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Ferris calls that shift in public opinion the democratic revolution, Hunt calls it the invention

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of human rights, and both authors seek to explain this change by finding a single cause

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for it.

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For Ferris, science caused the democratic revolution.

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For Hunt, the rise of the novel and the memoir in the early years of the 18th century caused

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the invention of human rights.

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And they're both right, of course.

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They're both right, and they're both wrong.

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What they're trying to do is like trying to explain why a new product suddenly swept

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through the marketplace.

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Why did millions of individuals in the marketplace of ideas, uncoordinated by any master plan

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or any manual or instruction booklet, simultaneously make the particular decisions they made?

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There is never a single answer to such a question.

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Different people were persuaded by different things.

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All we can do is name some of the factors that probably influenced the thinking and

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decisions of some of the people involved.

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In the case of the democratic revolution, the invention of human rights, one of the

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important factors was the rise of science.

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Another was the rise of fiction and memoir. Hunt, at least, knows all this. You'll note

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that she was careful to say that it was the reading of novels that, in part, accounted

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for the sudden growth of the idea that equal rights were self-evident.

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There are many ways to approach rights, and I am not at all arguing against other approaches.

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One could talk about Christian origins, origins in Greek and Roman Stoicism.

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One could talk about Catholic natural law.

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There are many other ways.

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People have talked about the resonance with the Indian, Chinese, Muslim, Native American

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traditions.

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And I don't in any way mean to say that these don't matter or are somehow unimportant.

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But I really focused in, for reasons of my own expertise, but also because I think there's

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We've all encountered the rival theories Hunt is talking about here.

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The thinkers like Max Weber, who believed that the rise of liberalism was caused by

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the Puritan work ethic.

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The thinkers who believe that the rise of liberalism was made inevitable by Christian ideas about

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the individual soul, and so forth.

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Take all such theories with a grain or two of salt, I implore you.

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When you're attempting to explain market processes, whether in the marketplace for

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goods and services, or the marketplace of ideas, it's never that simple.

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This is Jeff Rigenbach.
