WEBVTT

NOTE The Political Thought of Étienne de La Boétie

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The Political Thought of Étienne de la Boétie by Murray R. Rothbard

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Étienne de la Boétie, properly pronounced not as might be thought la Boétie, but rather la Boétie,

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with a hard T, as it was pronounced in the paragord dialect of the region in which la Boétie lived.

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Étienne de la Boétie has been best remembered as the great and close friend of the eminent essayist

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Michel de Montaigne, in one of history's most notable friendships. But he would be better remembered,

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as some historians have come to recognize, as one of the seminal political philosophers,

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not only as a founder of modern political philosophy in France, but also for the timeless

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relevance of many of his theoretical insights. Etienne de la Boite was born in Sarlat,

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in the Paragord region of southwest France in 1530 to an aristocratic family.

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His father was a royal official of the Paragord region and his mother was the sister of the

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President of the Bordeaux Parliament, Assembly of Lawyers.

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Orphaned at an early age, he was brought up by his uncle and, namesake, the curate of

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of Boubouna and received his law degree from the University of Orleans in 1553. His great

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and precocious ability earned La Boette a royal appointment to the Bordeaux Parliament

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the following year, despite his being under the minimum age. There he pursued a distinguished

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career as judge and diplomatic negotiator until his untimely death in 1563 at the age

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of 32. Labuetti was also a distinguished poet and humanist, translating Xenophon and Plutarch

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and being closely connected with the leading young pleiadate group of poets including Pierre

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Ronsard, Jean Dorat, and Jean-Antoine de Beff. Labuetti's great contribution to political

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thought was written while he was a law student at the University of Orleans, where he imbibed

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and the Spirit of Free Inquiry that prevailed there.

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In this period of questing and religious ferment, the University of Orleans was a noted center

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of free and untrammeled discussion.

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Labretti's main teacher there was the fiery Anne de Bourgh, later to become a Huguenot

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martyr and burned at the stake for heresy in 1559.

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Duborg was not yet a Protestant, but was already tending in that direction, and it was no accident

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that this university was later to become a center of Calvinism, nor that some of Lubwetti's

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fellow students were to become Huguenot leaders.

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One of these was Lubwetti's best friend at the university and Duborg's favorite student,

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Lambert Danneau.

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The study of law in those days was an exciting enterprise, a philosophical search for truth

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Truth and Fundamental Principles.

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In the 16th century, writes Paul Bonfond, the teaching of the law was a preaching rather

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than an institution, a sort of search for truth carried on by teacher and student in

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common and which they feverishly undertook together, opening up an endless field for

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philosophic speculation.

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It was this kind of atmosphere in the law schools of Orleans and other leading French universities

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in which Calvin himself, two decades earlier, had begun to develop his ideas of Protestant

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reform.

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And it was in that kind of atmosphere as well that lawyers were to form one of the most

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important centers of Calvinist strength in France.

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In the ferment of his law school days at Orleans, Etienne de la Boétie composed his brief but

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Sindelating, profound and deeply radical Discourse of Voluntary Servitude, Discours de la servitude

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volontaire.

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Having remained long in manuscript, the actual date of writing the Discourse of Voluntary

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Servitude remains a matter of dispute.

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It seems clear, however, and has been so accepted by recent authorities, that Montand's published

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story that Labuetti wrote the discourse at the age of 18 or even at 16 was incorrect.

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Montand's statement, as we shall see further below, was probably part of his later campaign to

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guard his dead friend's reputation by dissociating him from the revolutionary Huguenots who were

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claiming Labuetti's pamphlet for their own. Extreme youth tended to cast the discourse

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Discourse in the light of a work so youthful that the radical content was hardly to be

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taken seriously as the views of the author.

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Internal evidence, as well as the erudition expressed in the work, make it likely that

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the discourse was written in 1552 or 1553 at the age of 22 while La Boétie was at the

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university.

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The discourse was circulated in manuscript form and never published by Labuetti.

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One can speculate that its radical views were an important reason for the authors withholding

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it from publication.

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It achieved a considerable fame in local Perigordian intellectual circles, however.

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This can be seen by the fact that Montaigne had read the essay long before he first met

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Labuetti as a fellow member of the Bordeaux Parliament in 1559.

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The first striking thing about the discourse is the form.

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Labuetti's method was speculative, abstract, deductive.

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This contrast with the rather narrowly legal and historical argument of the Huguenot Monarch

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Monarchomoc writers, those sectarian writers who argued for the right of subjects to resist

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unjust rulers of the 1570s and 1580s, whom La Buetti resembled in his opposition to tyranny.

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While the Huguenot Monarchomocs, best exemplified by Francois Hopeman's Franco-Galilla, 1573,

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Concentrated on grounding their arguments on real or presumed historical precedents in

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French laws and institutions, La Boétie's only historical examples were numerous illustrations

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of his general principles from classical antiquity, the very remoteness of which added to the

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timeless quality of his discourse.

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The later Huguenot arguments against tyranny tended to be specific and concrete, rooted

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in actual French institutions, and therefore their conclusions and implications were limited

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to promoting the specific liberties against the state of various privileged orders in

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French society.

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In contrast, the very abstraction and universality of La Boétie's thought led inexorably to

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to radical and sweeping conclusions on the nature of tyranny, the liberty of the people,

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and what needed to be done to overthrow the former and secure the latter.

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In his abstract, universal reasoning, his development of a true political philosophy,

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and his frequent references to classical antiquity, La Boétie followed the method of Renaissance

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writers notably Niccolò Machiovelli.

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There was, however, a crucial difference.

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Whereas Machiavelli attempted to instruct the prince on ways of cementing his rule,

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Labuetti was dedicated to discussing ways to overthrow him and thus to secure the liberty

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of the individual.

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Thus Emile Brahear makes a point of contrasting the cynical realism of Machiavelli with the

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juridical idealism of Etienne de Labuetti.

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In fact, however, DiBretti's concentration on abstract reasoning and on the universal

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rights of the individual might better be characterized as foreshadowing the political thinking of

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the 18th century.

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As J.W. Allen writes, the discourse was an essay on the natural liberty, equality and

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fraternity of man.

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The essay gave a general support to the Huguenot pamphleteers by its insistence that natural

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Universal law and natural rights justified forcible resistance to tyrannous government.

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But the language of universal natural rights itself, Allen correctly adds, served no Huguenot

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purpose.

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It served, in truth, no purpose at all at the time, though one day it might come to

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do so.

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Or, as Harold Lasky trenchantly put it, a sense of popular right, such as the friend

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of Montaigne depicts is indeed as remote from the spirit of the time as the anarchy of

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Herbert Spencer in an age committed to government interference.

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The contrast between the proto-18th century speculative natural rights approach of la

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boîte and the narrowly legalistic and concrete historical emphasis of the Huguenot writers

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who reprinted and used the discourse has been stressed by W.F. Church. In contrast to the legal

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approach which dominated political thought in 16th century France, Church writes, purely speculative

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treaties so characteristic of the 18th century were all but non-existent and at their rare

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appearances seem oddly out of place. Church then mentions as an example of the latter,

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Labuetti's Discourse of Voluntary Servitude. The Discourse of Voluntary Servitude is lucidly and

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coherently structured around a single axiom, a single percipient insight into the nature

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not only of tyranny, but implicitly of the state apparatus itself. Many medieval writers had attacked

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tyranny, but La Boétie delves especially deeply into its nature and into the nature

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of state rule itself.

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This fundamental insight was that every tyranny must necessarily be grounded upon general

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popular acceptance.

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In short, the bulk of the people themselves, for whatever reason, acquiesce in their own

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objection.

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If this were not the case, no tyranny, indeed no governmental rule, could long endure.

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Hence a government does not have to be popularly elected to enjoy general public support, for

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general public support is in the very nature of all governments that endure, including

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the most oppressive of tyrannies.

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The tyrant is but one person, and could scarcely command the obedience of another person much

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Much less of an entire country if most of the subjects did not grant their obedience

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by their own consent.

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David Hume independently discovered this principle two centuries later and phrased it with his

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usual succinctness and clarity.

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Nothing appears more surprising to those who consider human affairs with a philosophical

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eye than the easiness with which the many are governed by the few and the implicit submission

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With which men resign their own sentiments and passions to those of their rulers.

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When we inquire by what means this wonder is affected, we shall find that as force is always on the side of the governed,

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the governors have nothing to support them but opinion.

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It is therefore on opinion only that government is founded.

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And this maxim extends to the most despotic and military governments as well as to the

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most free and most popular.

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This then becomes for La Boétie the central problem of political theory.

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Why in the world do people consent to their own enslavement?

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La Boétie cuts to the heart of what is or rather should be the central problem of political

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Civil Philosophy, The Mystery of Civil Obedience.

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Why do people, in all times and places, obey the commands of the government, which always

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constitutes a small minority of the society?

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To La Boétie, the spectacle of general consent to despotism is puzzling and appalling.

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I should like merrily to understand how it happens that so many men, so many villages,

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So many cities, so many nations, sometimes suffer under a single tyrant who has no other

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power than the power they give him, who is able to harm them only to the extent to which

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they have the willingness to bear with him, who could do them absolutely no injury unless

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they preferred to put up with him rather than contradict him.

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Surely a striking situation.

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But it is so common that one must grieve the more and wonder the less at the spectacle of

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a million men serving in wretchedness, their necks under the yoke, not constrained by a

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greater multitude than they.

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And this mass submission must be out of consent rather than simply out of fear.

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Shall we call subjection to such a leader cowardice?

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If a hundred, if a thousand endure the caprice of a single man, should we not rather say

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that they lack not the courage, but the desire to rise against him, and that such an attitude

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indicates indifference rather than cowardice?

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When not a hundred, not a thousand men, but a hundred provinces, a thousand cities, a

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When a million men refuse to assail a single man from whom the kindest treatment received is the infliction of serfdom and slavery, what shall we call that? Is it cowardice?

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When a thousand, a million men, a thousand cities fail to protect themselves against the domination of one man, this cannot be called cowardly, for cowardice does not sink to such a depth.

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What monstrous vice, then, is this which does not even deserve to be called cowardice, a vice for which no term can be found vile enough.

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enough.

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It is evident from the above passages that Labuetti is bitterly opposed to tyranny and

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to the public's consent to its own subjection.

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He makes clear also that this opposition is grounded on a theory of natural law and a

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natural right to liberty.

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In childhood, presumably because the rational faculties are not yet developed, we obey our

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parents.

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But when grown, we should follow our own reason as free individuals.

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As Liberti puts it, if we led our lives according to the ways intended by nature and the lessons

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taught by her, we should be intuitively obedient to our parents.

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Later, we should adopt reason as our guide and become slaves to nobody.

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Reason is our guide to the facts and laws of nature and to humanity's proper path,

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and each of us has in our souls some native seed of reason, which if nourished by good

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counsel and training, flowers into virtue, but which, on the other hand, if unable to

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resist the vices surrounding it, is stifled and blighted.

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And reason teaches us the justice of equal liberty for all, for reason shows us that

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nature has, among other things, granted us the common gift of voice and speech.

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Therefore there can be no further doubt that we are all naturally free, and hence it cannot

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be asserted that nature has placed some of us in slavery.

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Human animals, he points out, display a natural instinct to be free.

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But then, what in the world has so denatured man that he, the only creature really born

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to be free, lacks the memory of his original condition and the desire to return to it?

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La Boétie's celebrated and creatively original call for civil disobedience, for mass non-violent

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Resistance as a method for the overthrow of tyranny stems directly from the above two

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premises, the fact that all rule rests on the consent of the subject masses and the

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great value of natural liberty, for if tyranny really rests on mass consent, then the obvious

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means for its overthrow is simply by mass withdrawal of that consent.

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The weight of tyranny would quickly and suddenly collapse under such a non-violent revolution.

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The Tory David Hume did not, unsurprisingly, draw similar conclusions from his theory of

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mass consent as the basis of all governmental rule.

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Thus, after concluding that all tyranny rests on popular consent, Labuetti eloquently concludes

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states that, obviously, there is no need of fighting to overcome this single tyrant, for

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he is automatically defeated if the country refuses consent to its own enslavement.

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Tyrants need not be expropriated by force.

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They need only be deprived of the public's continuing supply of funds and resources.

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The more one yields to tyrants, the stronger and mightier they become.

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But if the tyrants are simply not obeyed, they become undone and as nothing.

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La Boétie then exhorts the poor wretched and stupid peoples to cast off their chains by

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refusing to supply the tyrant any further with instruments of their own oppression.

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The tyrant indeed has nothing more than the power that you confer upon him to destroy

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Where has he acquired enough eyes to spy upon you if you do not provide them yourselves?

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How can he have so many arms to beat you with if he does not borrow them from you?

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The feet that trample down your cities, where does he get them if they are not your own?

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How does he have any power over you except through you?

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How could he dare assail you if he had no cooperation from you?

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La Boete concludes his exhortation by assuring the masses that to overthrow the tyrant they

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need not act nor shed their blood.

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They can do so merely by willing to be free.

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In short, resolve to serve no more and you are at once freed.

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I do not ask that you place hands upon the tyrant to topple him over, but simply that

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you support him no longer.

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Then you will behold him like a great colossus whose pedestal has been pulled away, fall

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of his own weight and break in pieces.

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It was a medieval tradition to justify tyrannicide of unjust rulers who break the divine law,

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but Labuetti's doctrine, though non-violent, was in the deepest sense far more radical.

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For while the assassination of a tyrant is simply an isolated individual act within an

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existing political system, mass civil disobedience, being a direct act on the part of large masses

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of People is far more revolutionary in launching a transformation of the system itself.

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It is also more elegant and profound in theoretical terms, flowing immediately as it does from

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La Boete's insight about power necessarily resting on popular consent.

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For then the remedy to power is simply to withdraw that consent.

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The call for mass civil disobedience was picked up by one of the more radical of the later

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Huguenot pamphlets, La France Turquille, 1575, which advocated an association of towns and

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provinces for the purpose of refusing to pay all taxes to the state.

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But it is not surprising that among the most enthusiastic advocates of mass civil disobedience

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have been the anarchist thinkers, who simply extend both Labuetti's analysis and his conclusion

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from tyrannical rule to all governmental rule whatsoever.

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Prominent among the anarchist advocates of nonviolent resistance have been Thoreau, Tolstoy

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and Benjamin R. Tucker, all of the 19th century, and all, unsurprisingly, associated with the

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The Nonviolent Pacifist Branch of Anarchism Tolstoy, indeed, in setting forth his doctrine

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of nonviolent anarchism, used a lengthy passage from the discourse as the focal point for

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the development of his argument.

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Thus, Tolstoy writes, The situation of the oppressed should not be compared to the constraint

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used directly by the stronger on the weaker, or by a greater number on a smaller. Here,

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indeed it is the minority who oppress the majority, thanks to a lie established ages

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ago by clever people, in virtue of which men despoil each other. Then, after a long quote

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from Labuetti, Tolstoy concludes, it would seem that the workers, not gaining any advantage

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should at last realize the lie in which they are living and free themselves in the simplest

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and easiest way, by abstaining from taking part in the violence that is only possible

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with their cooperation.

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Furthermore, Tolstoy's Letter to a Hindu, which played a central role in shaping Gandhi's

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is Thinking Toward Mass Nonviolent Action was heavily influenced by Labuetti.

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In addition, Gustav Landauer, the leading German anarchist of the early 20th century,

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after becoming converted to a pacifist approach, made a rousing summary of Labuetti's Discourse

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of Voluntary Servitude, the central core of his anarchist work, The Revolution, 1919.

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A leading Dutch pacifist anarchist of the 20th century, Bartholomew de Liet, not only

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devoted several pages of his Conquest of Violence to discussion and praise of Labuetti's discourse,

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he also translated it into Dutch in 1933.

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Several historians of anarchism have gone so far as to classify Labuetti's treatise

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The first historian of anarchism, E. V. Zenker, a non-anarchist, made the same mistake.

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As he wrote of La Boétie's discourse that it contained a glowing defense of freedom

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which goes so far that the sense of the necessity of authority disappears entirely.

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The opinion of La Boétie is that mankind does not need government.

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It is only necessary that man should really wish it and he would find himself happy and

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free again, as if by magic.

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But while La Boétie's cannot be considered an anarchist, his sweeping strictures on tyranny

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and the universality of his political philosophy lend themselves easily to such an expansion.

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All this considerably disturbed La Boétie's biographer, Paul Bonfond, who wrote of the

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discourse, after having failed to distinguish legitimate from illicit authority and having

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Imprudently attacked even the principle of authority,

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Labraty put forth a naive illusion.

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He seems to believe that man could live in a state of nature,

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without society, and without government,

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and discovered that this situation would be filled with happiness for humanity.

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This dream is puerile.

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To the acute analyst Pierre Mesnard,

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Bonfond's alarm is wide of the mark.

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Mesnard believes that La Boétie defined tyranny as simply any exercise of personal power.

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In doing so, La Boétie went beyond the traditional two-fold definition of tyranny as either usurpation

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of power or government against the laws, which were either defined as customary law, divine

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law, or the natural law for the common good of the people, whereas the traditional theory

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The Theory, thus focused only on the means of the ruler's acquiring power and the use

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made of that power, Mesnard points out that La Boétie's definition of tyranny went straight

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to the nature of power itself.

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Tyranny does not depend, as many of the older theorists had supposed, on illicit means of

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acquiring power.

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The tyrant need not be a usurper.

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As La Boétie declares, there are three kinds of tyrants. Some receive their proud position

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through elections by the people, others by force of arms, others by inheritance. Usurpers

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or conquerors always act as if they are ruling a conquered country and those born to kingship

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are scarcely any better because they are nourished on the breast of tyranny, suck in with their

281
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So far away from any notion of liberty that even if the memory of it is fresh, it will

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soon be eradicated.

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In some, La Boitique can find no choice between these three kinds of tyrants.

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For although the means of coming into power differ, still the method of ruling is practically

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the same.

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Those who are elected act as if they were breaking in books.

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Those who are conquerors make the people their prey.

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Those who are heirs plan to treat them as if they were their natural slaves.

289
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Yet, Mesnard's neat conclusion that La Boétie meant simply to indict all personal power,

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all forms of monarchy, as being tyrannical, is inadequate.

291
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In the first place, in the passage quoted above, La Boétie indicts elected as well

292
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as other rulers.

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Moreover, he states that having several masters, according to the number one has, it amounts

294
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to being that many times unfortunate.

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Well, these are not precisely indictments of the concept of a republic, but they leave

296
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the definition of tyranny in La Boete sufficiently vague so that one can easily press on the

297
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anarchist conclusions.

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Why do people continue to give their consent to despotism?

299
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Why do they permit tyranny to continue?

300
00:30:03.180 --> 00:30:10.660
This is especially puzzling if tyranny, defined at least as all personal power, must rest

301
00:30:10.660 --> 00:30:12.780
on mass consent.

302
00:30:12.780 --> 00:30:19.420
And if the way to overthrow tyranny is therefore for the people to withdraw that consent, the

303
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The remainder of Labuetti's treatise is devoted to this crucial problem, and his discussion here is as seminal and profound as it is in the earlier part of the work.

304
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The establishment of tyranny, Labuetti points out, is most difficult at the outset when it is first imposed, for generally, if given a free choice, people will vote to be free rather than to be slaves.

305
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There can be no doubt that they would much prefer to be guided by reason itself than

306
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to be ordered about by the whims of a single man.

307
00:30:56.020 --> 00:31:01.780
A possible exception was the voluntary choice by the Israelites to imitate other nations

308
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in choosing a king, Saul.

309
00:31:04.660 --> 00:31:11.580
Apart from that, tyranny can only be initially imposed by conquest or by deception.

310
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The conquest may be either by foreign armies or by an internal, fractional coup.

311
00:31:18.760 --> 00:31:25.840
The deception occurs in cases where the people, during wartime emergencies, select certain

312
00:31:25.840 --> 00:31:33.440
persons as dictators, thus providing the occasion for these individuals to fasten their power

313
00:31:33.440 --> 00:31:36.480
permanently upon the public.

314
00:31:36.480 --> 00:31:43.440
Since begun, however, the maintenance of tyranny is permitted and bolstered by the insidious

315
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throes of habit, which quickly accustomed the people to enslavement.

316
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It is true that in the beginning men submit under constraint and by force, but those who

317
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come after them obey without regret and perform willingly what their predecessors had done

318
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because they had to.

319
00:32:04.480 --> 00:32:11.920
This is why men born under the yoke and then nourished and reared in slavery are content,

320
00:32:11.920 --> 00:32:17.800
without further effort, to live in their native circumstance, unaware of any other state or

321
00:32:17.800 --> 00:32:19.200
right.

322
00:32:19.200 --> 00:32:25.000
And considering as quite natural the condition into which they are born, the powerful influence

323
00:32:25.000 --> 00:32:34.000
is in no respect more compelling than in this, namely, habituation to subjection.

324
00:32:34.000 --> 00:32:40.000
Thus, humanity's natural drive for liberty is finally overpowered by the force of custom,

325
00:32:40.000 --> 00:32:46.000
for the reason that native endowment, no matter how good, is dissipated and less encouraged,

326
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whereas environment always shapes us in its own way, whatever that might be, in spite of nature's gifts.

327
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Labuetti concludes that custom becomes the first reason for voluntary servitude.

328
00:33:31.140 --> 00:33:37.440
People will grow accustomed to the idea that they have always been in subjection, that

329
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their fathers lived in the same way.

330
00:33:40.160 --> 00:33:45.720
They will think they are obliged to suffer this evil and will persuade themselves by

331
00:33:45.720 --> 00:33:52.820
example an imitation of others, finally investing those who ordered them around with proprietary

332
00:33:52.820 --> 00:33:57.900
writes based on the idea that it has always been that way.

333
00:33:57.900 --> 00:34:05.460
David Hume was later to write in his essay of The Origin of Government, Habit soon consolidates

334
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what other principles of human nature had imperfectly founded.

335
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And men, once accustomed to obedience, never think of departing from that path in which

336
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Consent is also actively encouraged and engineered by the rulers. And this is another major reason for the persistence of civil obedience. Various devices are used by rulers to induce such consent. One method is by providing the masses with circuses, with entertaining diversions. Plays,

337
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and other such opiates. These were, for ancient peoples, the bait toward slavery, the price of their liberty, the instruments of tyranny. By these practices and enticements, the ancient dictators so successfully lulled their subjects under the yoke that the stupefied peoples, fascinated by the pastimes and new ideas,

338
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in vain pleasures flashed before their eyes, learned subservience as naively, but not so

339
00:35:25.280 --> 00:35:32.060
creditably as little children learned to read by looking at bright picture books.

340
00:35:32.060 --> 00:35:38.160
Another method of inducing consent is purely ideological, duping the masses into believing

341
00:35:38.160 --> 00:35:43.060
that the tyrannical ruler is wise, just and benevolent.

342
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Thus, Labuetti points out, the Roman emperors assumed the ancient title of tribune of the

343
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people because the concept had gained favor among the public as representing a guardian

344
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of their liberties, hence the assumption of despotism under the cloak of the old liberal

345
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form.

346
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In modern times, Labuetti adds, rulers present a more sophisticated version of such propaganda,

347
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For they never undertake an unjust policy, even one of some importance, without prefacing

348
00:36:19.140 --> 00:36:25.460
it with some pretty speech concerning public welfare and common good.

349
00:36:25.460 --> 00:36:29.820
Reinforcing ideological propaganda is deliberate mystification.

350
00:36:29.820 --> 00:36:35.780
The kings of the Assyrians and the Medes showed themselves in public as seldom as possible

351
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in order to set up a doubt in the minds of the rabble as to whether they were not in

352
00:36:40.860 --> 00:36:48.620
in some way more than man. Symbols of mystery and magic were woven around the crown so that,

353
00:36:48.620 --> 00:36:54.980
by doing this, they inspired their subjects with reverence and admiration. It is pitiful

354
00:36:54.980 --> 00:37:00.740
to review the list of devices that early despots used to establish their tyranny, to discover

355
00:37:00.740 --> 00:37:07.220
how many little tricks they employed, always finding the populace conveniently gullible.

356
00:37:07.220 --> 00:37:11.860
At times, tyrants have gone to the length of imputing themselves to the very status

357
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of divinity.

358
00:37:13.960 --> 00:37:19.520
They have insisted on using religion for their own protection and, where possible, have borrowed

359
00:37:19.520 --> 00:37:24.020
a stray bit of divinity to bolster up their evil ways.

360
00:37:24.020 --> 00:37:30.020
Thus, tyrants, in order to strengthen their power, have made every effort to train their

361
00:37:30.020 --> 00:37:38.020
At this point, Labuetti inserts his one and only reference to contemporary France. It is, on its face, extremely damaging. For he asserts that,

362
00:38:00.020 --> 00:38:29.020
He quickly adds that in this case he does not wish for my part to be incredulous, for French kings have always been so generous in times of peace and so valiant in time of war that from birth they seem not to have been created by nature like many others, but even before birth to have been designated by Almighty God for the government and preservation of this kingdom.

363
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In the light of the context of the work, it is impossible not to believe that the intent of this passage is satirical, and this interpretation is particularly confirmed by the passage immediately following, which asserts that even if this were not so, he would not question the truth of these French traditions, because they have provided such a fine field for the flowering of French poetry.

364
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Certainly I would be presumptuous, he concludes, surely ironically, if I tried to cast slurs

365
00:39:03.460 --> 00:39:08.340
on our records and thus invade the realm of our poets.

366
00:39:08.340 --> 00:39:15.260
Bonfond seizes the occasion to claim his subject as, deep down and in spite of his radical

367
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deviations, a good conservative Frenchman at heart.

368
00:39:20.540 --> 00:39:24.940
It was not the intention of the young man to attack the established order.

369
00:39:24.940 --> 00:39:31.820
He formally accepts the King of France from his argument and in terms which are stamped

370
00:39:31.820 --> 00:39:34.420
by deference and respect.

371
00:39:34.420 --> 00:39:42.820
Specious ideology, mystery, circuses, in addition to these purely propagandistic devices, another

372
00:39:42.820 --> 00:39:48.740
device is used by rulers to gain the consent of their subjects.

373
00:39:48.740 --> 00:39:54.000
Purchase by material benefits, bread as well as circuses.

374
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The distribution of this largesse to the people is also a method, and a particularly cunning

375
00:39:59.880 --> 00:40:06.160
one, of duping them into believing that they benefit from tyrannical rule.

376
00:40:06.160 --> 00:40:13.080
They do not realize that they are, in fact, only receiving a small proportion of the wealth

377
00:40:13.080 --> 00:40:17.000
already filched from them by their rulers.

378
00:40:17.000 --> 00:40:24.640
Roman tyrants provided the city wards with feast to cajole the rabble. Tyrants would

379
00:40:24.640 --> 00:40:32.060
distribute largesse, a bushel of wheat, a gallon of wine, and a sesterce. And then everybody

380
00:40:32.060 --> 00:40:38.140
would shamelessly cry, Long live the king! The fools did not realize that they were merely

381
00:40:38.140 --> 00:40:44.340
recovering a portion of their own property, and that their ruler could not have given

382
00:40:44.340 --> 00:40:46.340
The Theory of Money and Credit

383
00:41:14.340 --> 00:41:35.340
The Mob has always behaved in this way, eagerly open to bribes, and Labuetti goes on to cite the cases of the monstrous tyrannies of Nero and Julius Caesar, each of whose deaths was deeply mourned by the people because of his supposed liberality.

384
00:41:35.340 --> 00:41:41.620
Here, Labuetti proceeds to supplement this analysis of the purchase of consent by the

385
00:41:41.620 --> 00:41:48.380
public with another truly original contribution, one which Professor Lewis considers to be

386
00:41:48.380 --> 00:41:52.840
the most novel and important feature of his theory.

387
00:41:52.840 --> 00:42:00.040
This is the establishment, as it were the permanent and continuing purchase, of a hierarchy

388
00:42:00.040 --> 00:42:08.440
Theory of Subordinate Allies, a loyal band of retainers, praetorians, and bureaucrats.

389
00:42:08.440 --> 00:42:14.800
La Boétie himself considers this factor the main spring and the secret of domination,

390
00:42:14.800 --> 00:42:18.360
the support and foundation of tyranny.

391
00:42:18.360 --> 00:42:24.440
Here is a large sector of society, which is not merely duped with occasional and negligible

392
00:42:24.440 --> 00:42:26.800
handouts from the state.

393
00:42:26.800 --> 00:42:34.720
Here are individuals who make a handsome and permanent living out of the proceeds of despotism.

394
00:42:34.720 --> 00:42:41.840
Hence their stake in despotism does not depend on illusion or habit or mystery.

395
00:42:41.840 --> 00:42:45.880
Their stake is all too great and all too real.

396
00:42:45.880 --> 00:42:52.480
A hierarchy of patronage from the fruits of plunder is thus created and maintained.

397
00:42:52.480 --> 00:43:00.960
5 or 6 individuals are the chief advisors and beneficiaries of the favors of the king.

398
00:43:00.960 --> 00:43:09.480
These half-dozen, in a similar manner, maintain 600 who profit under them, and the 600 in

399
00:43:09.480 --> 00:43:17.160
their turn maintain under them 6000 whom they promote in rank, upon whom they confer the

400
00:43:17.160 --> 00:43:23.400
the government of provinces or the direction of finances in order that they may serve as

401
00:43:23.400 --> 00:43:30.460
instruments of avarice and cruelty, executing orders at the proper time and working such

402
00:43:30.460 --> 00:43:37.220
havoc all around that they could not last except under the shadow of the 600.

403
00:43:37.220 --> 00:43:44.760
In this way does the fatal hierarchy pyramid and permeate down through the ranks of society

404
00:43:44.760 --> 00:43:52.760
until a hundred thousand and even millions cling to the tyrant by this cord to which they are tied.

405
00:43:53.480 --> 00:44:00.920
In short, when the point is reached through big favors or little ones that large profits or small

406
00:44:00.920 --> 00:44:08.680
are obtained under a tyrant, there are found almost as many people to whom tyranny seems

407
00:44:08.680 --> 00:44:16.480
advantageous as those to whom liberty would seem desirable. Whenever a ruler makes himself

408
00:44:16.480 --> 00:44:23.760
a dictator, all the wicked dregs of the nation, all those who are corrupted by burning ambition

409
00:44:23.760 --> 00:44:31.160
or extraordinary avarice, these gather around him and support him in order to have a share

410
00:44:31.160 --> 00:44:38.240
in the booty and to constitute themselves petty chiefs under the big tyrant. Thus the

411
00:44:38.240 --> 00:44:44.080
The hierarchy of privilege descends from the large gainers from despotism to the middling

412
00:44:44.080 --> 00:44:49.620
and small gainers, and finally down to the mass of the people who falsely think they

413
00:44:49.620 --> 00:44:53.640
gain from the receipt of petty favors.

414
00:44:53.640 --> 00:44:59.820
In this way, the subjects are divided, and a great portion of them induced to cleave

415
00:44:59.820 --> 00:45:07.780
to the ruler, just as, in order to split wood, one has to use a wedge of the wood itself.

416
00:45:07.780 --> 00:45:13.940
Of course, the train of the tyrants, retinue, and soldiers suffer at their leaders' hands,

417
00:45:13.940 --> 00:45:19.160
but they can be led to endure evil if permitted to commit it.

418
00:45:19.160 --> 00:45:27.300
Not against him who exploits them, but against those who like themselves submit but are helpless.

419
00:45:27.300 --> 00:45:33.400
In short, in return for its own subjection, this order of subordinates is permitted to

420
00:45:33.400 --> 00:45:36.120
oppress the rest of the public.

421
00:45:36.120 --> 00:45:43.480
How is tyranny concretely to be overthrown if it is cemented upon society by habit,

422
00:45:43.480 --> 00:45:46.060
privilege and propaganda?

423
00:45:46.060 --> 00:45:52.740
How are the people to be brought to the view where they will decide to withdraw their consent?

424
00:45:52.740 --> 00:45:59.700
In the first place, affirms La Boétie, not all the people will be deluded or sunk into

425
00:45:59.700 --> 00:46:01.980
habitual submission.

426
00:46:01.980 --> 00:46:09.500
There is always a more percipient elite who will understand the reality of the situation.

427
00:46:09.500 --> 00:46:14.980
There are always a few, better endowed than others, who feel the weight of the yoke and

428
00:46:14.980 --> 00:46:19.480
cannot restrain themselves from attempting to shake it off.

429
00:46:19.480 --> 00:46:25.460
These are the people who, in contrast to the brutish mass, possess clear and far-sighted

430
00:46:25.460 --> 00:46:30.500
minds and have further trained them by study and learning.

431
00:46:30.500 --> 00:46:34.780
Such people never quite disappear from the world.

432
00:46:34.780 --> 00:46:42.540
Even if liberty had entirely perished from the earth, such men would invent it.

433
00:46:42.540 --> 00:46:47.660
Because of the danger these educated people represent, tyrants often attempt to suppress

434
00:46:47.660 --> 00:46:54.860
education in their realms, and in that way, those who have preserved their love of freedom

435
00:46:54.860 --> 00:47:00.880
still remain ineffective because, however numerous they may be, they are not known to

436
00:47:00.880 --> 00:47:02.820
one another.

437
00:47:02.820 --> 00:47:08.800
Under the tyrant they have lost freedom of action, of speech, and almost of thought.

438
00:47:08.800 --> 00:47:11.760
They are alone in their aspiration.

439
00:47:11.760 --> 00:47:19.520
Here La Boétie anticipates such modern analysts of totalitarianism as Hannah aren't.

440
00:47:19.520 --> 00:47:26.040
But there is hope, for still the elite exist, and, calling examples once again from antiquity,

441
00:47:26.040 --> 00:47:32.880
La Boétie maintains that heroic leaders can arise who will not fail to deliver their country

442
00:47:32.880 --> 00:47:38.920
from evil hands when they set about their task with a firm, wholehearted and sincere

443
00:47:38.920 --> 00:47:40.400
intention.

444
00:47:40.400 --> 00:47:48.680
The evident task, then, of this valiant, knowledgeable elite, is to form the vanguard of the revolutionary

445
00:47:48.680 --> 00:47:56.080
Resistance Movement Against the Despot. Through a process of educating the public to the truth,

446
00:47:56.080 --> 00:48:02.920
they will give back to the people knowledge of the blessings of liberty and of the myths

447
00:48:02.920 --> 00:48:10.460
and illusions fostered by the state. In addition to rousing the people to the truth, the opposition

448
00:48:10.460 --> 00:48:18.380
movement has another vital string to its bow. The unnatural lives lived by the despots and

449
00:48:18.380 --> 00:48:27.420
and their hierarchy of favorites, for their lives are miserable and fearful and not happy.

450
00:48:27.420 --> 00:48:33.140
Tyrants live in constant and perpetual fear of the well-deserved hatred they know is borne

451
00:48:33.140 --> 00:48:36.820
them by every one of their subjects.

452
00:48:36.820 --> 00:48:42.860
Courtiers and favorites live miserable, crawling, cringing lives, every moment of which is bent

453
00:48:42.860 --> 00:48:48.420
and on servilely fawning upon the ruler on whom they depend.

454
00:48:48.420 --> 00:48:53.880
Eventually, as enlightenment spreads among the public, the privileged favorites will begin

455
00:48:53.880 --> 00:49:00.100
to realize the true misery of their lot, for all their wealth can be seized from them at

456
00:49:00.100 --> 00:49:05.620
any moment should they fall out of step in the race for the favors of the king.

457
00:49:05.620 --> 00:49:12.380
When they look at themselves as they really are, they will realize clearly that the townspeople

458
00:49:12.380 --> 00:49:20.740
The peasants whom they trample underfoot and treat worse than convicts or slaves are, nevertheless,

459
00:49:20.740 --> 00:49:26.260
in comparison with themselves, better off and fairly free.

460
00:49:26.260 --> 00:49:31.420
Although he does not explicitly say so, it seems to be La Boete's contention that the

461
00:49:31.420 --> 00:49:38.300
spread of enlightenment among the public will not only generate refusal of consent among

462
00:49:38.300 --> 00:49:45.060
of the Mass, but will also aid its course immeasurably by splitting off, by driving

463
00:49:45.060 --> 00:49:50.700
a wedge inside, a portion of the disaffected privileged bureaucracy.

464
00:49:50.700 --> 00:49:55.840
There is no better way to conclude a discussion of the content of La Boétie's notable discourse

465
00:49:55.840 --> 00:50:05.420
of voluntary servitude than to note Mesnard's insight that, for La Boétie, as for Machiavelli,

466
00:50:05.420 --> 00:50:13.020
can only be grounded on acceptance by the subjects, except that the one teaches the

467
00:50:13.020 --> 00:50:19.800
prince how to compel their acquiescence while the other reveals to the people the power

468
00:50:19.800 --> 00:50:23.300
that would lie in their refusal.

469
00:50:23.300 --> 00:50:28.480
After graduating from law school, Etienne de la Poitie took up an eminent career as

470
00:50:28.480 --> 00:50:31.360
a royal official in Bordeaux.

471
00:50:31.360 --> 00:50:37.880
He never published the discourse, and as he pursued a career in faithful service of the

472
00:50:37.880 --> 00:50:44.080
monarch, never hint did he express along the lines of his earlier treatise.

473
00:50:44.080 --> 00:50:49.000
Certainly one of the reasons for Montand's stout insistence on his friend's conservatism

474
00:50:49.000 --> 00:50:56.000
and monarchal loyalty is that La Boétie had changed his political views by the time they

475
00:50:56.000 --> 00:51:05.000
They met around 1559. Indeed, in late 1662, shortly before he died, Labuetti wrote, but

476
00:51:05.000 --> 00:51:11.360
did not publish, a manuscript forgotten and lost until recent years in which he, with

477
00:51:11.360 --> 00:51:18.300
moderate conservatism, advised the state to punish Protestant leaders as rebels, to enforce

478
00:51:18.300 --> 00:51:25.800
Catholicism upon France, but also to reform the abuses of the Church moderately and respectably

479
00:51:25.800 --> 00:51:31.380
by the Agency of the King and his Parliaments. Protestants would then be forced to convert

480
00:51:31.380 --> 00:51:38.460
back to Catholicism or leave the country. Certainly it is far from unusual for a young university

481
00:51:38.460 --> 00:51:46.500
student eagerly caught up in a burst of free inquiry to be a fiery radical, only to settle

482
00:51:46.500 --> 00:51:54.000
into a comfortable and respectable conservatism, once well entrenched in a career bound to

483
00:51:54.000 --> 00:52:01.040
to the emoluments of the status quo. But there seems to be more here than that. For the very

484
00:52:01.040 --> 00:52:07.880
abstractness of Labuetti's arguments in the discourse, the very Renaissance-like remoteness

485
00:52:07.880 --> 00:52:14.580
of the discussion from the concrete problems of the France of his day, while universalizing

486
00:52:14.580 --> 00:52:23.460
and Radicalizing the Theory, also permitted La Boétie, even in his early days, to divorce

487
00:52:23.460 --> 00:52:26.020
theory from practice.

488
00:52:26.020 --> 00:52:33.380
It permitted him to be sincerely radical in the abstract while continuing to be conservative

489
00:52:33.380 --> 00:52:35.180
in the concrete.

490
00:52:35.180 --> 00:52:41.500
His almost inevitable shift of interest from the abstract to concrete problems in his busy

491
00:52:41.500 --> 00:52:48.340
Career, thereby caused his early radicalism to drop swiftly from sight, as if it had never

492
00:52:48.340 --> 00:52:49.820
existed.

493
00:52:49.820 --> 00:52:56.760
But if his abstract method permitted La Boitie to abandon his radical conclusions rapidly

494
00:52:56.760 --> 00:53:02.880
in the concrete realm, it had an opposite effect on later readers.

495
00:53:02.880 --> 00:53:11.480
Its very timelessness made the work ever available to be applied concretely in a radical manner

496
00:53:11.480 --> 00:53:18.760
Center to Later Problems in Institutions, and this was precisely the historical fate

497
00:53:18.760 --> 00:53:21.840
of La Boétie's discourse.

498
00:53:21.840 --> 00:53:27.800
It was first published, albeit anonymously and incompletely, in the radical Huguenot

499
00:53:27.800 --> 00:53:36.080
pamphlet, Révely Matin de François, 1574, probably written by Nicolas Barnode with the

500
00:53:36.080 --> 00:53:52.080
The full text with the author's name appeared for the first time two years later, in a collection of radical Huguenot essays compiled by a Calvinist minister in Geneva, Simon Goulard.

501
00:53:52.080 --> 00:54:01.080
Montand was furious at the essay's publication under revolutionary Huguenot auspices. He had intended to publish it himself.

502
00:54:01.080 --> 00:54:08.520
Now, however, not only did he refuse to do so, but he tried to refurbish Labuetti's conservative

503
00:54:08.520 --> 00:54:16.080
reputation by successively averring that his friend had been eighteen and then sixteen

504
00:54:16.080 --> 00:54:19.720
years old at the time of the essay's writing.

505
00:54:19.720 --> 00:54:25.560
For their part, however, even the Huguenots used Labuetti in gingerly fashion.

506
00:54:25.560 --> 00:54:32.880
Attractive as was the spirit of La Boétie's essay, writes Harold Lasky, avowed an academic

507
00:54:32.880 --> 00:54:38.160
republicanism was meet too strong for the digestion of the time.

508
00:54:38.160 --> 00:54:44.760
Not that La Boétie was entirely without influence, but he was used as cautiously as an Anglican

509
00:54:44.760 --> 00:54:49.760
bishop might in the sixties have an interest in Darwinism.

510
00:54:49.760 --> 00:54:54.600
Almost completely forgotten in the more peaceful days of the first half of the seventeenth

511
00:54:54.600 --> 00:55:01.040
In the 18th century in France, the discourse became widely known again during the Enlightenment

512
00:55:01.040 --> 00:55:08.060
of the 18th century, through being printed as a supplement to Montaigne's essays, but

513
00:55:08.060 --> 00:55:11.600
was not particularly influential.

514
00:55:11.600 --> 00:55:19.440
Finally and unsurprisingly, the essay found its métier in the midst of the French Revolution

515
00:55:19.440 --> 00:55:21.600
when it was twice reprinted.

516
00:55:21.600 --> 00:55:28.500
Later, the radical Abbé de Lamine reprinted the discourse with a violent preference of

517
00:55:28.500 --> 00:55:35.820
his own and the same was done by another writer in 1852 to strike back at the coup d'etat

518
00:55:35.820 --> 00:55:38.420
of Napoleon III.

519
00:55:38.420 --> 00:55:43.760
And we have seen how the discourse inspired the non-violent wing of the anarchist movement

520
00:55:43.760 --> 00:55:46.820
in the 19th and 20th centuries.

521
00:55:46.820 --> 00:55:52.580
As the centuries went on, the abstract argument of the discourse continued to exert a fascination

522
00:55:52.580 --> 00:55:55.700
for radicals and revolutionaries.

523
00:55:55.700 --> 00:56:01.940
The speculative thought of the young law student was taking posthumous revenge upon the respectable

524
00:56:01.940 --> 00:56:05.380
and eminent official of the Bordeaux Parliament.

525
00:56:05.380 --> 00:56:12.060
La Boétie's discourse has a vital importance for the modern reader, an importance that

526
00:56:12.060 --> 00:56:17.460
It goes beyond the sheer pleasure of reading a great and seminal work on political philosophy

527
00:56:17.460 --> 00:56:24.500
or, for the libertarian, of reading the first libertarian political philosopher in the Western

528
00:56:24.500 --> 00:56:25.500
world.

529
00:56:25.500 --> 00:56:32.940
For La Boétie speaks most sharply to the problem which all libertarians, indeed all

530
00:56:32.940 --> 00:56:38.220
opponents of despotism, find particularly difficult.

531
00:56:38.220 --> 00:56:44.300
The Problem of Strategy Facing the devastating and seemingly overwhelming

532
00:56:44.300 --> 00:56:51.500
power of the modern state, how can a free and very different world be brought about?

533
00:56:51.500 --> 00:56:59.780
How in the world can we get from here to there, from a world of tyranny to a world of freedom?

534
00:56:59.780 --> 00:57:06.700
Precisely because of his abstract and timeless methodology, La Boitie offers vital insights

535
00:57:06.700 --> 00:57:09.140
into this eternal problem.

536
00:57:09.140 --> 00:57:16.740
In the first place, La Boétie's insight that any state, no matter how ruthless and despotic,

537
00:57:16.740 --> 00:57:23.940
rests in the long run on the consent of the majority of the public, has not yet been absorbed

538
00:57:23.940 --> 00:57:28.780
into the consciousness of intellectuals opposed to state despotism.

539
00:57:28.780 --> 00:57:36.620
Notice, for example, how many anti-communists write about communist rule as if it were so

540
00:57:36.620 --> 00:57:43.420
are solely terror imposed from above on the angry and discontented masses.

541
00:57:43.420 --> 00:57:49.420
Many of the errors of American foreign policy have stemmed from the idea that the majority

542
00:57:49.420 --> 00:57:56.220
of the population of a country can never accept and believe in communist ideas, which must

543
00:57:56.220 --> 00:58:03.380
therefore be imposed by either a small clique or by outside agents from existing communist

544
00:58:03.380 --> 00:58:04.860
countries.

545
00:58:04.860 --> 00:58:11.020
In modern political thought, only the free market economist Ludwig von Mises has sufficiently

546
00:58:11.020 --> 00:58:17.380
stressed the fact that all governments must rest on majority consent.

547
00:58:17.380 --> 00:58:22.940
Since despotic rule is against the interest of the bulk of the population, how then does

548
00:58:22.940 --> 00:58:25.820
this consent come about?

549
00:58:25.820 --> 00:58:32.940
Again La Boite highlights the point that this consent is engineered largely by propaganda

550
00:58:32.940 --> 00:58:37.780
beamed at the populace by the rulers and their intellectual apologist.

551
00:58:37.780 --> 00:58:45.100
The devices of bread and circuses, of ideological mystification that rulers today use to gull

552
00:58:45.100 --> 00:58:52.360
the masses and gain the consent, remain the same as in Laporte's days.

553
00:58:52.360 --> 00:58:58.340
The only difference is the enormous increase in the use of specialized intellectuals in

554
00:58:58.340 --> 00:59:00.340
the service of the rulers.

555
00:59:00.340 --> 00:59:06.700
But in this case, the primary task of opponents of modern tyranny is an educational one, to

556
00:59:06.700 --> 00:59:15.260
awaken the public to this process, to demystify and desanctify the state apparatus.

557
00:59:15.260 --> 00:59:21.820
Furthermore, La Boite's analysis, both of the engineering of consent and of the role

558
00:59:21.820 --> 00:59:28.760
played by bureaucrats and other economic interests that benefit from the state, highlights another

559
00:59:28.760 --> 00:59:43.760
is another critical problem which many modern opponents of statism have failed to recognize that the problem of strategy is not simply one of educating the public about the errors committed by the government.

560
00:59:43.760 --> 00:59:55.760
For much of what the state does is not an error at all from its own point of view, but a means of maximizing its power, influence and income.

561
00:59:55.760 --> 01:00:20.760
We have to realize that we are facing a mighty engine of power and economic exploitation and therefore that, at the very least, libertarian education of the public must include an expose of this exploitation and of the economic interest and intellectual apologist who benefit from state rule.

562
01:00:20.760 --> 01:00:28.640
By confining themselves to analysis of alleged intellectual errors, opponents of government

563
01:00:28.640 --> 01:00:31.760
intervention have rendered themselves ineffective.

564
01:00:31.760 --> 01:00:37.680
For one thing, they have been beaming their counter-propaganda at a public which does

565
01:00:37.680 --> 01:00:44.640
not have the equipment or the interest to follow the complex analyses of error, and which

566
01:00:44.640 --> 01:00:51.320
which can therefore easily be re-bamboozled by the experts in the employ of the state.

567
01:00:51.320 --> 01:00:55.840
Those experts, too, must be de-sanctified.

568
01:00:55.840 --> 01:01:02.520
And again, La Boétie strengthens us in the necessity of such de-sanctification.

569
01:01:02.520 --> 01:01:10.520
The libertarian theorist Lysander Spooner, writing over 400 years after La Boétie, propounded

570
01:01:10.520 --> 01:01:17.720
The similar view that the supporters of government consisted largely of dupes and naves.

571
01:01:17.720 --> 01:01:23.440
The ostensible supporters of the Constitution, like the ostensible supporters of most other

572
01:01:23.440 --> 01:01:28.720
governments, are made up of three classes as follows.

573
01:01:28.720 --> 01:01:35.500
One, naves, a numerous and active class who see in the government an instrument which

574
01:01:35.500 --> 01:01:39.720
they can use for their own aggrandizement or wealth.

575
01:01:39.720 --> 01:01:46.280
Two dupes, a large class no doubt, each of whom, because he's allowed one voice out

576
01:01:46.280 --> 01:01:51.960
of millions in deciding what he may do with his own person and his own property, and because

577
01:01:51.960 --> 01:01:58.960
he is permitted to have the same voice in robbing, enslaving and murdering others, that

578
01:01:58.960 --> 01:02:04.660
others have in robbing, enslaving and murdering himself, is stupid enough to imagine that

579
01:02:04.660 --> 01:02:23.100
3. A class who have some appreciation of the evils of government, but either do not see

580
01:02:23.100 --> 01:02:29.580
how to get rid of them, or do not choose to so far sacrifice their private interest as

581
01:02:29.580 --> 01:02:35.900
as to give themselves seriously and earnestly to the work of making a change.

582
01:02:35.900 --> 01:02:43.460
The prime task of education then is not simply abstract insight into governmental errors in

583
01:02:43.460 --> 01:02:52.500
advancing the general welfare, but de-bamboozling the public on the entire nature and procedures

584
01:02:52.500 --> 01:02:55.140
of the despotic state.

585
01:02:55.140 --> 01:03:02.620
In that task, La Boétie also speaks to us in his stress on the importance of a perceptive

586
01:03:02.620 --> 01:03:10.180
vanguard elite of libertarian and anti-statist intellectuals.

587
01:03:10.180 --> 01:03:16.900
The role of this cadre to grasp the essence of statism and to de-sanctify the state in

588
01:03:16.900 --> 01:03:24.860
the eyes and minds of the rest of the population is crucial to the potential success of any

589
01:03:24.860 --> 01:03:54.860
It becomes, therefore, a prime libertarian task to discover, coalesce, nurture, and advance its cadre, a task of which all too many libertarians remain completely ignorant, for no amount of oppression or misery will lead to a successful movement for freedom unless such a cadre exists and is able to bring about a free society.

590
01:03:54.860 --> 01:04:00.220
to educate and rally the intellectuals and the general public.

591
01:04:00.220 --> 01:04:06.620
There is also the hint in La Boétie of the importance of finding and encouraging disaffected

592
01:04:06.620 --> 01:04:13.820
portions of the ruling apparatus and of stimulating them to break away and support the opposition

593
01:04:13.820 --> 01:04:15.700
to despotism.

594
01:04:15.700 --> 01:04:20.620
While this can hardly play a central role in a libertarian movement, all successful

595
01:04:20.620 --> 01:04:25.020
The first theoretical movements against state tyranny in the past have made use of such

596
01:04:25.020 --> 01:04:31.060
disaffection and inner conflicts, especially in their later stages of development.

597
01:04:31.060 --> 01:04:37.420
La Boitie was also the first theorist to move from the emphasis on the importance of consent

598
01:04:37.420 --> 01:04:45.020
to the strategic importance of toppling tyranny by leading the public to withdraw that consent.

599
01:04:45.020 --> 01:04:52.140
Hence, Laborty was the first theorist of the strategy of mass, non-violent, civil disobedience

600
01:04:52.140 --> 01:04:56.120
of state edicts and exactions.

601
01:04:56.120 --> 01:05:02.300
How practical such a tactic might be is difficult to say, especially since it has rarely been

602
01:05:02.300 --> 01:05:09.160
used, but the tactic of mass refusal to pay taxes, for example, is increasingly being

603
01:05:09.160 --> 01:05:14.300
employed in the United States today, albeit in a sporadic form.

604
01:05:14.300 --> 01:05:20.480
In December 1974, the residents of the city of Willimantic, Connecticut, assembled in

605
01:05:20.480 --> 01:05:27.400
a town meeting and rejected the entire city budget three times, finally forcing a tax

606
01:05:27.400 --> 01:05:29.520
cut of 9%.

607
01:05:29.520 --> 01:05:34.760
This is but one example of growing public revulsion against crippling taxation throughout

608
01:05:34.760 --> 01:05:36.320
the country.

609
01:05:36.320 --> 01:05:41.600
On a different theme, Labretti provides us with a hopeful note on the future of a free

610
01:05:41.600 --> 01:05:42.880
society.

611
01:05:42.880 --> 01:05:49.440
He points out that once the public experiences tyranny for a long time, it becomes inert

612
01:05:49.440 --> 01:05:54.240
and heedless of the possibility of an alternative society.

613
01:05:54.240 --> 01:06:01.480
But this means that should state despotism ever be removed, it would be extremely difficult

614
01:06:01.480 --> 01:06:03.860
to reimpose statism.

615
01:06:03.860 --> 01:06:09.640
The bulwark of habit would be gone, and statism would be seen by all for the tyranny that

616
01:06:09.640 --> 01:06:11.460
it is.

617
01:06:11.460 --> 01:06:18.060
If a free society were ever to be established then, the chances for its maintaining itself

618
01:06:18.060 --> 01:06:20.800
would be excellent.

619
01:06:20.800 --> 01:06:26.340
More and more, if inarticulately, the public is rebelling.

620
01:06:26.340 --> 01:06:33.540
Not only against onerous taxation, but, in the age of Watergate, against the whole carefully

621
01:06:33.540 --> 01:06:37.260
nurtured mystique of government.

622
01:06:37.260 --> 01:06:43.900
Many years ago, the historian Cecilia Kenyon, writing of the anti-Federalist opponents of

623
01:06:43.900 --> 01:06:50.480
the adoption of the U.S. Constitution, chided them for being men of little faith. Little

624
01:06:50.480 --> 01:06:57.020
faith, that is, in a strong central government. It is hard to think of anyone having such

625
01:06:57.020 --> 01:07:04.240
unexamined faith in government today. In such an age as ours, thinkers like Etienne de

626
01:07:04.240 --> 01:07:14.240
have become far more relevant, far more genuinely modern than they have ever been for over a century.
